A Chinese company wins bid for the first phase of the African Center for Disease Control and Prevention project (African CDC) of the African Union on Wednesday. A milestone in cooperation between China and African countries to strengthen their public health and epidemic prevention systems.

The link to the video on “Long Covid” presented last month at the International Conference on Genomics in China (ICG-17).  As a member of the advisory board,  I have been giving lectures since 2011. This year, more than 600,000 attended the conference on site and by Zoom.  I have also acknowledged my Chinese colleagues and friends who played a crucial role for China funding the building of Africa CDC in Addis at a cost of US $80 million. We succeeded in overcoming US’s effort to block Africa CDC from being built in Addis (picture attached).

https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1Xe4y1x7Mk?t=162.8

US warns over Chinese ‘spying’ on African disease control centre | Financial Times (Feb 6,  2020)  The Trump administration has cited concerns over Beijing’s scientific spying programme as the reason it wants to block a Chinese plan to build an $80m headquarters for the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Ethiopia, amid growing competition for influence in the continent.

Tilahun Yilma, DVM, PhD

Distinguished Professor of Virology, Emeritus

Associate Fellow, Ethiopian Academy of Sciences

Member, US National Academy of Sciences

Fellow, American Academy of Microbiology

Department of Medical Micro/Immunology

School of Medicine

University of California Davis, CA 95616
https://zehabesha.com/icg-17-on-long-covid-headquarters-of-africa-cdc-in-addis-ababa-2/

https://youtu.be/vRmXYkH2bzE

Hiber Radio Daily Ethiopia News Nov 29, 2022 |
https://zehabesha.com/hiber-radio-daily-ethiopia-news-nov-29-2022/

ፈቃዱ በቀለ(ዶ/ር)

        ህዳር 29፣ 2022

በአ.አ. በታህሳስ 15፣ 2022 ዓ.ም በወያኔና በአቢይ አገዛዝ መሀከል ስለተደረገው “የሰላም ድርድር” አስመልክቶ የአቶ አቡዱራህማን አህመድን ሰፊ ገለጻ በመመርኮዝ የጻፍኩትንና በዘሃበሻ ላይ ለንባብ ያቀረብኩትን ጽሁፍ አስመልክቶ ጽሁፉን ከአነበበ አንድ ምክር አዘል ነገር በትችት መልክ ቀርቧል።  ይኸውም ምክርና ገንቢ ትችት የአሜሪካንን ኢምፐሪያሊዝም አስመልክቶ ያቀርብኩት የእኔ የሆነ አመለካከት አላስፈላጊ እንደሆነ የሚጠቁም ነው። በተቺው ወንድሜ አስተያየት በአብዮቱ ወቅት የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ይውደም ብሎ የደርግ አገዛዝ ማስተጋባቱ የኋላ ኋላ አገዛዙን ለውድቀት አድርሶታል ይለናል።

በመሰረቱ የኢምፔሪያሊዝም ጥያቄ በደርግ አገዛዝዛና በመሪዎቹ የተነሳ ሳይሆን በተማሪው እንቅስቃሴ መሪዎችና ተከታዮቻቸው ነው። እንደሚታወቀው አፄ ኃይለስላሴ ከስደት ከተመለሱ በኋላ በጊዜው በነበረው የኃል አሰላለፍ ምክንያትና፣ የዓለምን ፖለቲካና አሉታዊ ተጽዕኖውን አስመልክቶ በአገራችን በነበረው ምሁራዊ ድክመትና ዝቅተኛ አስተሳሰብ የተነሳ አሜሪካንን እንደአጋርና እንደ ወዳጅ አገር በመውሰድ የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም በተለይም በትምህርት ዘርፍ፣ በቴክኖክራሲውና በቢሮክራሲው መዋቅር ውስጥ፣ በሚሊታሪውና በጸጥታው ውስጥ ለብዙዎች ግልጽ ባልሆነ መንገድ የማይታይና የረቀቀ ተጽዕኖ እንደነበረው የሚታወቅ ጉዳይ ነው። ከዚህም በላይ ለአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ በሁለት ጋሻ  በሚያክል መሬት ላይ ኤምባሲውን እንዲሰራ የተሰጠው “የወዳጅነት ልገሳና” ኤምባሲውም በዚያ መልክ መሰራቱ ይህንን በመጠቀም በአገዛዙና በኤሊቱ ላይ ከፍተኛ ተፅዕኖ ማሳደር ችሏል። የኤምባሲውም ዋናው ዓላማ ለራሱ የሚሆኑ በጥቅም የተገዙ ኢትዮጵያውያንን በመመልመል አጠቃላዩን የአገራችንን ዕድገት መቆጣጠርና፣ በዚያውም የሱን ጥቅም የሚጻረሩ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲና የውጭ ፖለቲካ ግኑኝነት ተግባራዊ በሚሆኑበት ጊዜ ያለውን ልዩ ልዩ ህብረተሰብአዊ ቅራኔዎች፣ የሃይማኖትና የጎሳ ልዩነቶችን በመጠቅም ከውስጥ ብጥብጥ የሚፈጠርበትን መንገድ ማዘጋጀት ዋናው ስትራቴጂው ነው። በአፄ ኃይለስላሴ ዘመንም ሆነ በኋላ ብቅ ያሉትን አገዛዞች ፖለቲካ ስንመለከት ስትራቴጂያዊ በሆነ መልክ ማሰብ እንደማይችሉና የአገር ወዳድነት ስሜት እንዳልነበራቸውና እንደሌላቸው መገንዘብ የሚቻለው። ለዚህ ዋናው ምክንያት ደግሞ የበሰለና ብሄራዊ ስሜት ያለው በሁሉም አቅጣጫ ሊንቀሳቀስና ሊያስተምር የሚችል ምሁራዊ ኃይል ለመፈጠር ባለመቻሉ ነው።

በአጠቃላይ ሲታይ የአገራችንን የመንግስት አወቃቀር ስንመለከት፣ ከታች ወደላይ እየተኮተኮተ የመጣ መንግስታዊ አወቃቀርና አገዛዝ ለመፈጠር ባለመቻሉ በአፄ ኃይለስላሴ የሰላሳ ዓመታት የአገዛዝ ዘመን እዚህና እዚያ የሚብለጨለጩ ነገሮች ከመሰራታቸውና ውስጣዊ ኃይል የሌላቸው አንዳንድ ኢንዱስትሪዎች ከመቋቋማቸው በስተቀር አገራችንን እንደህብረተሰብ የሚያዋቅርና በራሱ የሚተማመንና የመሪነትን ቦታ ሊወስድ የሚችል የህብረተሰብ ክፍል ብቅ ሊል አልቻለም። መንግስታዊ መዋቅሩም ሁለ-ገብና አስተማማኝ የሆነ ሰፊውን ህዝባችንን ከድህነት የሚያላቅቀው የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ ስላልነበረው ሰፋ ያለ ህዝባዊ ሀብት ለመፍጠር አልቻለም። የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲውም “እንደዚህ ብታደርጉ ይሻላል፣ ይህንን ፖሊሲ ተግባራዊ ብታደርጉ የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት ለማምጣት ትችላላችሁ” የሚል በውጭ ኤክስፐርቶች ምክር የረቀቀና ተግባራዊ የሆነ በመሆኑ  በአጠቃላይ ሲታይ በአገሪቱ የተስተካከለና ሁለ-ገብ የሆነ የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት በፍጽም ሊመጣ አልቻለም። በተለይም ከ1950ዎቹ መጀመሪያ ጀምሮ ተግባራዊ የሆነው የኢንዱስትሪ ፖለቲካ ለእርሻውና ለአገልግሎት መስኩ እንደዋና አንቀሳቃሽ ኃይል ሊሆን ባለመቻሉ የተነሳ በጊዜው እየጨመረ የመጣውን የህዝብ ቁጥርና ትምህርቱን ላገባደደ ወጣትና የስራ-መስክ ለሚፈልገው አስተማማኝ የኢኮኖሚ መሰረት መጣል አልተቻለም። በየክፈለ-ሀገራቱም የአስራሁለተኛን ክፍል እያገባደደ የሚወጣው  ቁጥሩ የማይናቅ ወጣት የስራ ቦታ ለመፈለግ ሲል የግዴታ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ይመጣ ነበር። ስለሆነም በጊዜው በውጭ ኤክስፐርቶች ግፊትና ምክር ተግባራዊ የሆነው የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ አገራችንን ሁለ-ገብ ወደሆነና በሳይንስና በቴክኖሎጂ ላይ ወደተመሰረተ ሰፋ ወዳለ የኢኮኖሚ ግንባታ ለማሸጋገር ባለመቻሉ ህብረተስብአዊና ባህላዊ፣ እንዲሁም የስነ-ልቦና ቀውሶች ሊፈጠሩ ችለዋል። ህብረተሰቡም ሰፋ ባለ ኢኮኖሚያዊ መሰረትና አወቃቀር እንደ አንድ ኦርጋኒክ ኃይል ለመተሳሰር ባለመቻሉ፣ በአንድ በኩል ራሱን ከውጭው ዓለም ጋር ያስተሳሰረና ትዕዛዝ የሚቀበል፣ ራሱን እንደልዩ ፍጡር አድርጎ የሚቆጥር፣ በሌላ ወገን ደግሞ ግራ የተጋባና አቅጣጫው የጠፋበት ሰፋ ያለ የህብረተሰብ ክፍል በመኖሩ ምክንያት የተነሳ በአጠቃላይ ሲታይ ህብረተስባችን በደካማ መሰረት ላይ የቆመ ነበር ብሎ መናጋር ይቻላል። ባጭሩ አንድ አገርና ህብረተሰብ እንደ ሰውነታችን የማይታይ ከሆነ(Body Politics) በቀላሉ ሊፈረካከስ ይችላል። የጀርመን ፈላስፋዎች Body Politics ብለው የሚጠሩት ነገር አለ። እንደሚታወቀው ሰውነታችን ልዩ ልዩ ስራዎችን የሚያከናውኑ ልዩ ልዩ ኦርጋኖች ሲኖሩት፣ የእነዚህ መሰረቶች ደግሞ በብዙ ቢሊዮን የሚቆጠሩ ሴሎቻችን ናቸው። በደም ዝውውር አማካይነት የምንበላቸው ምግቦችና ኦክስጂን ከአንድ የኦርጋን ክፍል ውደሌላው በመሸጋገር ልዩ ልዩ ኦርጋኖች ተግባራቸውን እንዲያከናውኑ ይደረጋሉ። ልዩ ልዩ ኦርጋኖቻችንም አስፈላጊውን ተግባራቸውን የሚወጡት የማሰብ ኃይላቻንን በመጠቀምና ለሰውነታችንና ለማሰብ ኃይላችን ጠቃሚ የሚሆኑ ምግቦችን ስንመገብ ብቻ ነው። ከዚህ ቀላል አስተሳሰብ ስንነሳ አንድ ህብረተሰብና አገር ልክ እንደሰውነታችን በልዩ ልዩ ዐይነት የስራ-ክፍፍሎችና ተቋማት መያያዝና በየጊዜው መታደስ አለባቸው። ይህ ሲሆን ብቻ ነው አንድ ጤናማና ተከታታይነት የሚኖረው ማህበረሰብና ህብረተሰብ ለመገንባት የሚቻለው።

ይህ ዐይነቱ ከመንግስታዊ አወቃቀር ጀምሮ እስከ ኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲውና በትምህርት አወቃቀር ላይ በተለይም የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የነበረው የረቀቀ  ተፅዕኖ በገጠር ውስጥ የሚታየውን ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማህበራዊ ግኑኝነትች ሊያሻሽለው አልቻለም። በተለይም ገበሬው በዝቅተኛ ቴክኖሎጂ እየታገዘ ያርስ ስለነበር ´እያደገ የመጣውን የህዝቡን የምግብ ፍላጎት ሊያሟላ አልቻለም። በአጠቃላይ ሲታይ ፊዩዳል በመባል የሚታወቀው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል በአንዳንድ የእርሻ መስኮች ላይ በመሰማራት እንደቡና የመሳሰሉትና ሌሎችም ምርቶች እንዲመረቱ ከማድረግ በስተቀር ወደ ተሻለ የአመራረት ስልት ሊሸጋገር በፍጹም አልቻለም። ስለሆነም በአገራችን ምድር የተዘበራረቁና ወደ ኋላ የቀረ የአኗኗር ስልት ዘመናዊ ከሚባለውና ይህን ያህልም ውስጣዊ ኃይል ከሌለው ጋር በመቆላለፍ ህብረተሰብአችን ወደ ተሻለ የአኗኗር ስልት ሊያሸጋግረው አልቻለም። ከተማዎችና መንደሮች ጥበባዊ በሆነ መንገድ ሊገነቡ በፍጹም አልቻሉም። በተለይም በክፍላተ-ሀገር ደረጃና በገጠር ውስጥ ያለውን የሰው ኃይልና የጥሬ-ሀብት ለማንቀሳቀስ የሚችል ዘመናዊና የሰለጠነ ተቋማት ባለመኖሩ ከ90% በላይ የሚሆነው ህዝባችን ካለምንም አጋርና ደጋፊ የሚኖር ነበር። ይህ ዐይነቱ የተዘበራረቀና ደካማ የኢኮኖሚ መዋቅር ሊዘረጋ የቻለው መንግስት የሚባለውና አገዛዙ ራሱ አገር በምን ዐይነት መሰረት ላይ በተከታታይነት መገንባት ይቻላል በሚለው ጉዳይ ላይ ይህን ያህልም በቂና ሳይንሳዊ ግንዛቤ ያላቸው ባለመሆናቸው ነው። በሌላ አነጋገር፣ ሰው ማለት ምን ማለት ነው? ህብረተሰብስ ማለት ምን ማለት ነው? እንዴትስ ነው አንድ ህብረተሰብና በራሱ የሚተማመን ህዝብ ሊገነባና ሊኮተኮት የሚችለው? የሚሉትን ጥያቄዎች ሊያነሳ የማይችል የህብረተሰብ ክፍልም ባለመኖሩ አገዛዙ ተግባራዊ ያደርጋቸው የነበሩ ፖሊሲዎች በሙሉ ከህብረተሰቡ ፍላጎትና ከጠቅላላው የአገራችን ዕድገት ጋር የተያያዙ አልነበሩም። ስለሆነም እንደዚህ ዐይነት በሳይንስና በፍልስፍና እየተመረመረና እየተፈተነ ተግባራዊ የማይሆን የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ የግዴታ የተዘበራረቀ ሁኔታ መፍጠሩ የማይቀር ጉዳይ ነው። የመጨረሻ መጨረሻም የተራበና ድህነት የሚያጠቃው ህዝብ አገዛዙን ለመጋፈጥ ይገደዳል ማለት ነው።

ከዚህ ሁኔታ ስንነሳ በስድሳኛውና በሰባኛው ዓ.ም የተማሪው እንቅስቃሴ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጠላቶች፣ በመሰረቱ የዕድገት ጠንቆች ፊዩዳሊዝም፣ ቢሮክራሲያዊ ካፒታሊዝምና ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ናቸው ብሎ ሲነሳ  ትክክል ቢሆንም፣ በሌላ ወገን ደግሞ እያንዳንዱን ጽንሰ-ሃሳብ በተናጠል በመውሰድና ያላቸውን መተሳሰር አስመልክቶ ሰፋ ያለና የጠለቀ ጥናት ለማድረግ ባለመቻሉ ከሰከነ ትግል ይልቅ ወደመፈክሮች ጋጋታ ላይ ብቻ በማትኮሩ ነገሩ ሰፋ ያለ ግሽበት እንዲኖረው ለማድረግ በቃ። በዚህም ምክንያት የተነሳ አብዮቱ ሴፈነዳና ደርግም ስልጣንን ሲቀዳጅ ተመራምሮና አጥንቶ በዕምነት የወሰደው ፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊስት ትግል ሳይሆን በጊዜው በነበረው ሁኔታ በመገፋት ብቻ ነው። አሁንም በሌላ አነጋገር፣ አብዛኛው በስልጣን ውስጥ የተካተተውና ስልጣንን የያዘው ደርግ የሚባለውና ሌሎችም የመንግስት መዋቅሮች ውስጥ ያሉ ኃይሎች በሙሉ  የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ተፅዕኖ ስለነበረባቸው ሙሉ በሙሉና አስተማማኝ በሆነና በጥናት ላየ በተመረኮዘ የአገር ወዳድነት ስሜት የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝምንና የግብረ-አበሮቹን ልዩ ልዩ ሴራዎች ሊረዱና ሊዋጉ የሚችሉ አልነበሩም። እንዲህ ስል ግን ጠቅላላው በደርግ አገዛዝ ውስጥ የተካተተው ኃይልና በመንግስት መኪና ውስጥ የነበሩት የሲቪሊና የሚሊታሪ ቢሮክራቶች እንዳሉ የአገር ወዳድነት ስሜት አለነበራቸውም ማለቴ አይደለም። በሌላ ወገን ደግሞ በጊዜው ተራማጅ ወይም ግራ ነኝ በሚለው መሀከል የነበረው ቅራኔና የስልጣን ሽኩቻ ይህ በራሱ በደርግ ውስጥ አለመተማመንን ሊፈጥር ችሏል። በተለይም በአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የተጠለፈው የተወሰነው የግራ እንቅስቃሴ መሪዎችና የነፃነትን አርማ ይዘው እዚህና እዚያ የሚንቀሳቀሱትና ውዥንብር የሚነዙት ኃይሎች ለደረግ አገዛዝ መደላደልን ሊሰጡት አልቻሉም። በተጨማሪም እንደ ኢህድ የመሳሰሉት ኋላ-ቀር አስተሳሰብ የነበራቸውና ከላይኛው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል የተውጣጡት ኃይሎች ራሳቸውን ለአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም በመሸጥና ኮሙኒዝምን እዋጋለሁ በማለት ያደረጉት አላስፈላጊና አላዋቂ እንቅስቃሴ ለደርግ አገዛዝ መደላደልን ሊስጠው በፍጹም አልቻለም።  እነዚህ ኃይሎች በሙሉ አሜሪካን የሚፈልገውን አገርን የማፈራረስ ተግባር በመፈጸማቸው የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ደርግን ሊያዳክም የሚችልበትን መንገድ በቀላሉ ለማግኘት ቻለ። ከዚህም በላይ የአንዳንድ የሚሊታሪና የሲቪል ቢሮክራቶች ስብስብና ኋላ-ቀር አመለካከት ያላቸው ኃይሎች፣ የኋላ ኋላ ከኮረኔል መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ጋር ቅራኔ ውስጥ ገብተናል ብለው ወደ አሜሪካን ሸሽተው የገቡት ኃይሎች ሁሉ በመሰረቱ ዲሞክራሲንና የተሻለ የዕድገት ስትራቴጂን በመፈለጋቸው ሳይሆን የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የሚፈልገውን ነገር ለመስራት ታጥቀው በመነሳታቸው ነው ቅራኔ ውስጥ ለመግባት የቻሉት።

በዚህም ምክንያት የተነሳ  በደርግ ውስጥና በተለይም ደግሞ በሚሊታሪ ውስጥ ያለውን ቅራኔ በማባባስ ወደ ውስጥ ስርዓት ያለውና በቲዎሪና በሳይንስ የሚደገፍ ትግል በፍጹም ማካሄድ አልተቻለም። መወያየትና ማጥናትም የሚቻልበት ጊዜ አልነበረም። ሁሉም በየፊናው ተነሰቶ ታጋይ ነኝ ይል ስለነበረና፣ ይህንንም ሆነ ያኛውን ኃይል ያግበሰብስ ስለነበር ይህ ዐይነቱ ሁኔታ ኃይልን የሚሰበስብ ከመሆኑ ይልቅ በታታኛ ለመሆን በቃ። አንደኛው ግራ ነኝ የሚል ድርጅት ሌላውን ያሳድደውና ይዝትበት ስለነበረና፣ አልፎ አልፎም “አደገኛ ናቸው የሚባሉትን” ለማስወገድ ኃይልን ይጠቀም ስለነበር በዚህ ዐይነት ሁኔታ ውስጥ የተሳካ ፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ትግል ማካሄድ አይቻልም ነበር። ስለሆነም በዚህ ዐይነት በተዘበራረቀ ሁኔታ ውስጥና ኃይልን በተታኝ በሆነ የትግል ዘዴ ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ይውደም እያሉ መጮኹ የነበረውን ትርምስና ርስ በእርስ መጠፋፋት ሊያባብሰው ችሏል። የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የጂኦስታርቴጂ አርቃቂዎች እንደሚሉት በአሁኑ ጊዜ እኛ በቀጥታ ገብተን አንድን አገር መውረር አያስፈልገንም፣ ርስ በእርሱ የማይተማመን የህብረተሰብ ክፍል በመፍጠር እንዲጨራረሱ እናደርጋቸዋለን የሚለው አካሄዳቸው በእርግጥም በአገራችን ምድር ተግባራዊ ለመሆን በመቻሉ የመጨረሻ መጨረሻ አብዮቱ ሊከሽፍና የደርግ አገዛዝም ሊወድቅ ችሏል። ያ ብዙ የተወራለትና የብዙ መቶ ሺሆች ህይወት እንዲጠፋ የተደረገበት አብዮትም የመጨረሻ መጨረሻ ደብዛው ሊጠፋ ችሏል። በጊዜው ባለማወቅና ካለበቂ ዝግጅትና ምሁራዊ ጥልቀት የተካሄደው አላስፈላጊ መጨራረሽ ከሶሻሊዝም፣ ከማርኪስዝም ሌኒንዝምና ከግራ አስተሳሰብ ጋር ለመያያዝ  በመቻሉ ከዚያ በኋላና፤ በተለይም ደግሞ ወያኔ ስልጣንን ይዞ አገሪቱን ሲያተረማመስ አዲስና በሳይንስ ላይ የተመሰረተ የመታገያ መመሪያና መሰረት ለመጣል አልተቻለም። በተለይም ግሎባላይዜሽንን አሳቦ የተነዛው አሳሳች ቅስቀሳና ብልጭልጭ ሁኔታ ጊዜው ፀረ-ኢምፐሪያሊዝም ትግል የሚካሄድበት ሳይሆን ዓለም ወደ አንድ መንደር እያመራችና በየአገሮች ውስጥም የነፃ ገበያ ተግባራዊ የሚሆንበት ዘመን ነው የሚለው የተሳሳተ አስተሳሰብ ስልተነዛ የፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ትግል ሳይሆን ቢያንስ ዲሞክራሲያዊና ትችታዊ አስተሳሰብን ሊያዳብር የሚችል ጥናትና ውይይት ማካሄድ በፍጹም አልተቻለም። ስለሆነም ባለፉት ሰላሳ ዓመታት ፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ትግል ማካሄድ እንደ አረጀና አክራሪነት የሚወሰድበት ጊዜና፣ የድሮ ተራማጆች ነን ባዮችም በሙሉ ሳይቀሩ ከአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ጎን በመሰለፍ ቢያንስ የዲሞክራሲያዊ ጥይቄዎችን በማንሳት በአስተማማኝ ሁኔታ ለሚገነባ ማህብረሰብ የሚታገሉትን ኢትዮጵያውያን ኃይሎች በሙሉ አክራሪና ግራ-ቀደም እያሉ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ በማካሄድ የሰከነ ጥናት እንኳ ማካሄድ በፍጹም አልተቻለም።

በመሰረቱ አንድ የውጭ ኃይል አንድን ደካማ አገር ሲወር የሚደረገው ትግል ከፀረ-የቅኝ አገዛዝ ጋር የሚያያዝ ነው። በተለይም የቅኝ ግዛት-አስተሳሰብ ከተነሳበት ከአስራዘጠነኛው ክፍለ-ዘመንና አገሮችን እስከመውረር ያደረሰው የኤምፒሪያሊስት ኃይሎች አካሄድ ለፀረ-ቅኝ አገዛዝና ለፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም እንቅስቃሴ አመቺ ሁኔታን ሊፈጥር ችሏል።  ስለሆነም በጊዜው ይካሄድ የነበረው ትግል ፀረ-የቅኝ ግዛት ትግል ብቻ ሳይሆን ፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝምም ነው። ምክንያቱም የቅኝ- አገዛዝ አስተሳሰብና ደካማ አገሮችን በዚህም በዚያም አሳቦ በመውረር ቀስ በቀስ እያለ በማደግ ላይ ያለውን ባህላዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማህበራዊ ግኑኝነት ማዳከመና መበጣጠስ የግዴታ የሚያያዘው ከኢምፔሪያሊዝም ጋር ብቻ በመሆኑ ትግሉም በሁለቱም ላይ ያነጣጠረ ነበር ማለት ይቻላል። ቅኝ-ግዛት ከኢምፔሪያሊዝም ጋር የሚያያዝና የሱ ውጤትም በመሆኑ የተደረገውና የሚደረግው ትግል እዚያው በዚያው ፀረ-ቅኝ አገዛዝና ፀረ-ኢሞፔሪያሊዝም ነው። ከዚህ ሀቅ ስንነሳ አፄ ምኒልክና አርበኞቻቸው፣ በኋላ ደግሞ በሁለተኛው የጣሊያን ወረራ ጊዜ የተካሄደው ትግል፣ ትግሉ ነፃነትን በመፈለግና ለውጭ የወራሪ ኃይል አልንበረክክም በማለት ነው። አስቸጋሪውና፣ በተለያም ደግሞ የአፄ ምኒልክን የፀረ-ቅኝ አገዛዝ ትግል የሚያደንቁ ሰዎችን አመለካከት ስንሰማ በፀረ-የቅኝ አገዛዝና በፀረ-ኤምፔሪያሊዝም መሀከል ያለውን ዲያሌክቲካዊ ግኑኝነት የተረዱ አይመስሉም። ቅኝ-ግዛትን እታገላለህ፣ የአፄ ምኒልክንና የጀግኖቻቸውን ትግልና ጀግንነትም አደንቃለሁ፣ በሌላ ወገን ደግሞ የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም  ነገር ሲነሳብኝ ቁርጠት ይይዘኛል የሚለው አነጋገር  የሚያረጋገጠው ብዙ ነገሮች ያልተገለጹን መሆናቸው ነው። በአንዳንድ አገሮች ውስጥ ለምሳሌ እንደቻይና በመሳሰሉት አገሮች ውስጥ ለምን የፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ትግል ሊሳካና፣ ቻይና ዛሬ ወደ ኃያል መንግስትነት ለመሸጋገር ቻለች የሚለወን ጥያቄ ብናነሳና ብንመራመር ኖሮ ቀላል መልስ ማግኘት በቻልን ነበር። እንደሚታወቀው ቻይናዎች ከሶስት ሺህ ዓመታት በላይ የዘለቀ የዲናሲቲዎች አገዛዝና፣ ህዝብን በቢሮክራሲያዊ ኃይል በማንቀስቅቀስ ትላልቅ ፕሮጀክቶችን የመሰራትና የህዝቡን ስሜት ማዳበር ከፍተኛ ልምድና ባህል ነበራቸው። ይህም ማለት የቻይና ህዝብ ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት ያህል በተለያዩ ስራዎች በመሰማራት ወደ ውስጥ ውስጣዊ-ኃይል ያገኘና ራሱን ያዘጋጀ ስለነበር ይህንን የመሰለ የተደራጀ ህዝብ በአንድ መርሆና ዓላማ ስር ለማሰባሰብ፣ ለማደራጀትና የውጭ ወራሪ ኃይልን ለመወጋት ይቻላል ማለት ነው። በዚህ ላይ እየዳበረ የመጣው የኬራሚክና የሀር ልብስ ማምረት ኢንዱስትሪ፣ ከዚያም በኋላ ለጠብመንጃ የሚያገለግል እንደባሩድ የመሳሰሉትን ፈንጂዎች መስራትና ትልቁን ግንብ መገንባት የመሳሰሉት ነገሮች ቢያንስ ቢያንስ የአስተሳሰብን አንድነትና መንፈስ ሊሰጣቸው ችሏል ማለት ይቻላል። በ1911 ዓ.ም የሪፑቦሊክ ምስረታ ከከሸፈ በኋላ በ1920ዎቹ እነማኦሴቱንግ የማርኪስዝምን ቲዎሪ መሰረት አድርገው ትግል ሲጀምሩ በተለይም በገጠር ውስጥ ያለውን ህዝብ ማንቃት፣ ማደራጀትና ማስተባበር ይህን ያህልም ከባድ አልነበረም። ከዚያ በኋላ የጃፓን ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ኃይል ከወረራቸው በኋላ ትግላቸውን ስርዓት ባለው መልክ ለማካሄድና ወደሚፈልጉት  ውጤት ላይ ለመድረስ ይህንንም ያህል ከባድ አለነበረም። ባጭሩ ቻይናዎች ከእኛው ምሁራዊ ኃይልና ማህበረሰብ ጋር ሲወዳደሩ የተሻለ ዕውቀትና የመንፈስ ጥንካሬ ስለነበራቸው እርስ በራሳቸው ሳይሻኮቱ ወደሚፈልጉት ኔሽን ቢልዲንግ(Nation Building) ሂደት ሊሸጋገሩ ችለዋል። በ1949 ዓ.ም ነፃ ከወጡም በኋላ የተለያዩ የአገር ግንባታ ሞዴሎችን በመጠቀም የመጨረሻ መጨረሻ ቅልቅልና ጠንካራ የሆነ በቴክኖሎጂ ላይ የተመሰረተ ካፒታሊስታዊ ኢኮኖሚ በመገንባት በአጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ሁለት ሶስተኛው የሚሆነውን ህዝብ ከድህነት ለማላቀቅ ችለዋል። በአሁኑ ወቅት በአንዳንድ ቴክኖሎጂዎች በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ቀዳሚነትን በማግኘት፣ በነፃ የሚንቀስቀስና ራሱን የቻለ ኢኮኖሚ መገንባት ችለዋል። ይህ ዐይነቱ ራስን ለመቻል የተደረገውን ትግል ስንመለከት ቻይናዎች፣ ቀደም ብሎ ደግሞ ራሺያኖችና ጃፓኖች ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የሚለውን በአንድ አገር ውስጥ የተሟላ ዕድገት እንዳይኖር የሚቀናቀነውንና አፍኖ የሚይዘውን ስርዓት ጠንቅቀው በማወቃቸውና፣ ቀሰ በቀስ ተግባራዊ መሆን የሚገባውን ኢኮኖሚያዊ ግንባታ፣ ማህበራዊና የህብረተሰብ አደርጃጀትና ንቃተ-ህሊና አስፈላጊነት በመረዳታቸው ነው። የሰፊውን ህዝብ ንቃተ-ህሊና ለማዳበር ደግሞ የግዴታ ሰፊው ህዝብ ማንበብና መጻፍ እንዳለበት በመረዳታቸው በዚህ ላይ ተከታታይነት ያለው ስራ ለመስራት ችለዋል። የዚህ ሁሉ ውጤት በአንድ በኩል ወደ ውስጥ ጠንካራ ማህበረሰብ እንዲገነባ ሲያስችል፣ ወደ ውጭ ደግሞ በራሱ የሚተማመንና የዓለምን ፖለቲካ የተረዳ ምሁራዊና የተገለጸለት ኃይል ለማፍራት ችለዋል ማለት ይቻላል።

ወደ አገራችን ስንመጣ በእርግጥ በድሮው መልክ ፀረ-ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ትግል ማካሄድና ቅስቀሳም ማድረግ አሰፈላጊ አይደለም። የመፈክር ጋጋታም የትም አያደርሰንም። በእኛ መሀከል ያለው ትልቁ ችግር በልዩ ልዩ መልኮች የሚገለጸውን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የሚለውን ፀንሰ-ሃሳብ ከሳይንስ አንፃር ለመረዳት አለመቻላችን ነው። ኢምፔሪያሊዝም የሚለው ፅንሰ-ሃሳብ የአሜሪካን ካፒታሊዝም ወይም ደግሞ የምዕራቡ ካፒታሊዝም ካደገ በኋላ የተፈጠረ አስተሳሰብ ሳይሆን፣ ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት ያለና እነ ፕሌቶን የመሳሰሉት ፈላስፋዎች የሚጠቀሙበት ፅንሰ-ሃሳብ ነበር። በጊዜው አንድን ኃይል ኢምፔሪሊስታዊ ብሎ መጥራት ፅንሰ-ሃሳቡ በቀጥታ ከወረራ ጋር ለመያያዝ በመቻሉ ነው። ይሁንና በታሪክ ውስጥ ብቅ ብቅ ያሉትን ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ኃይሎችን ስንመለከት፣ የአቴኑ ኢምፔሪያሊዝም፣ የፐረሺያው ኢምፔሪያሊዝምና የሮማውያን ኢምፔሪያሊያስት ኃይሎች፣ እነዚህ ኃይሎች በመሉ አንዳንድ አገሮችን ቢወሩም ስልጣኔን የሚያመጡ እንጂ ያለውን በመደምሰስ የራሳቸውን ለመትከል ብቻ አልነበረም። አካሄዳቸውም ጥሬ-ሀብትን ለመፈለግ ሳይሆን ግዛትን ለማስፋፋትና ለማስገበር ስለነበር የራሳቸውን ስልጣኔ ካለው ጋር በማውሃድ ለወረሯቸው አገሮች በሙሉ እስከተወሰነ ደረጃ ድረስ ውስጠ-ኃይል ሊሰጧቸው ችለዋል። በጊዜው የነበረው አስተሳስብ ከዛሬው ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ አስተሳሰብ ጋር ሲወዳደር በብዙ ሚሊዮን ማይሎች ርቆ የሚገኝና የአንድን አገር ባህል የመደምሰስና እንዳለ አንድን አገር የማፈረካከስ ባህርይ አልነበረውም።

በአንፃሩ ከካፒታሊዝም አብራክ የተፈጠረውን ኢምፔሪያሊዝምን ስንመለከት ባለፈው ጸሁፌ ላይ ለማብራራት እንደሞከርኩት´ ስርዓቱ ከብዝበዛና ከማፈናቀል ጋር የተያያዘ ነው። ሌሎች አገሮችን በመውረርና የጥሬ-ሀብታቸውን በመዝረፍ ነው እየደለበ ለመምጣት የቻለው። በዚያው መጠንም ከትውልድ ወደትውልድ የተላለፉ የስራ-ክፍፍልንና ተቋማትን፣ እንዲሁም ልዩ ልዩ እሴቶችን በመደምሰስና የፕላንቴሽን ኢኮኖሚንና አንድ ወጥ (Mono Culture) ምርትን በማስፋፋት ነው ሀብትን ለማካበት የቻለው። የካፒታሊዝም መሰረት የተነጠፈው በማዕከለኛው ክፍለ-ዘመን ቢሆንም፣ ካፒታሊዝም ይህንን መሰረት በማድረግ ነው ከዝቅተኛ ወደከፍተኛ ዕድገት ሊሸጋገር የቻለው። በመሀከሉ ከ15ኛው ክፍለ-ዘመን ጀምሮ የተካሄደው ባህላዊ ለውጥ፣ የመጨረሻ መጨረሻ ኢንላይተንሜንት የሚባለው በ17ኛው ክፍለ-ዘመን ብቅ ያለው ምሁራዊ እንቅስቃሴ ቀስ በቀስ ለሳይንሳዊ ምርምር መንገዱን በማዘጋጀት ካፒታሊዝም ካለሳይንስና ካለቴክኖሎጂ ሊያድግና ሊዳብር እንደማይችል ግልጽ እየሆነ መጣ። ይሁንና ከጋሊሌዮ ጀምሮ እስከ ሬኔ ዴካ ድረስና፣ ኒውተንና ላይብኒዝ የመሳሰሉትን ሳንቲስቶችና ፈላስፋዎችን ስራ ስንመረምር በሳይንስ ላይ ምርምር ሲያደርጉና ለቴክኖሎጂ ዕድገትም አስፈላጊውን መሰረት ሲጥሉ አስተሳሰባቸውና አካሄዳቸው በሙሉ ካፒታሊዝም በዚህ መልክ ያድጋል ብለው በማሰባቸው ሳይሆን የሰውን ልጅ ከነበረበት የጨለማ አኗኗር በማላቀቅ ራሱን በማግኘትና የተፈጥሮን ምስጢር በመረዳት የተሻለ ኑሮና ማህበረሰብ ብቻ እንዲመሰረት ለማድረግ ነበር። የካፒታሊዝም አነሳስና የኢንዱስትሪ አብዮት መካሄድ ይህንን የእነ ጋሊሊዮን፣ የኒውተንና የላይብኒዝምን አስተሳሰብ በመጻረር ሳይንስንና ቴክኖሎጂን ለሰው ልጅ መጠቀሚያ ሳይሆን ተፈጥሮን መበዝበዢያና የሰውን ልጅ መቆጣጠሪያ በማድረግ የተወሳሰበና ግልጽ ያልሆነ ሁኔታ ሊፈጠር ቻለ። እነ ማርክስ ከመነሳታቸው በፊት ይህንን ገደብ ያጣ የተፈጥሮን ሁኔታ የሚያናጋና የተፈጥሮን ህግ ያልተከተለ ብዝበዛና፣ በኢንዱስትሪ አብዮት ምክንያት የተነሳ የተከሰተውን ህብረተሰብአዊና ተፈጥሮአዊ መናጋት ያጠኑና የተመለከቱ ሮማንቲክሶች በመባል የሚታወቁ ምሁራን  አንድ ህብረተሰብ በዚህ መልክ መገንባት እንደሌለበት ለማሳየት ሞክረዋል። ይህም የሚያረጋግጥው አንድ ነገር ተግባራዊ ሲደረግ በአውሮፓ የምሁራን ባህል ውስጥ አንዳንድ ምሁሮች ዝምብለው እንደማይመለክቱ ነው። ሁሉም ነገር ትችታዊ በሆነ መልክ መታየትና መገምገም አለበት የሚለው አካሄድ በተለይም መንግስታትን እስከተወሰነ ደርጃ ድረስ ለመቆጣጠር አስችሏል። በየጊዜው ጥልቀትን እያገኘ የመጣው ትችታዊ ምሁራዊ እንቅስቃሴ፣ በተለይም እንደሶስይሎጂና የህሊና-ሳይንስ ምርምሮች፣ እንዲሁም ከእነ አዳም ስሚዝ በተለየ መልክ የፈለቀውና የዳበረው ብሄራዊ እኮኖሚ ወይም ደግሞ የኢኮኖሚን ዕድገት ከታሪክ ጋር ማያያዝና (Historical School) የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገትም ካለማኑፋክቸር ሊያድግና ውስጣዊ ኃይል ሊያገኝ አይችልም የሚለው  አስተሳሰብ የሚያረጋግጠው የአውሮፓ ምሁራን አንድን ነገር በጭፍን ዝምብለው እንደማይከተሉ ነው።

ያም ሆነ ይህ የካፒታሊዝም ዕድገት ለአዳዲስ አስተሳሰቦች መፀነስ ዕድል ቢሰጥም እንደፋሺዝምና ዘረኝነት የመሳሰሉት ርዕዮተ-ዓለሞች የፈለቁት ከዚህ ስርዓት ውስጥ ነው። ካፒታሊዝምም ከነጭ “ዘር” ጋር በግዴታ የሚያያዝ በመሆኑ፣ በተለይም ዘረኝነትን አጥብቀው ለሚሰብኩ ኃይሎች  ዕውቅና (Legitimacy) ሊሰጣቸው ችሏል። ከነጭ ዘር በስተቀር ሌላ የሰው ልጅ የሳይንስና የቴክኖሎጂ ባለቤት ሊሆን አይችልም፤ በአፈጣጠሩም ለሳይንስና ለቴክኖሎጂ የሚያመች አይደለም የሚለው አስተሳሰብ በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ በመስፋፋቱ ሁላችንም ሰጋጅና ነጭን አምላኪ ለመሆን በቅተናል። አንዳንዶቻችንም ጥቁር ወይም ቡናማ የመሰለውን ቀለማችንን በመጥላት ነጭ ፀጉርና ሰማያዊ ዐይን(Blond Hair and Blue Eyes) ያለውን የነጭ ዘር አምላኪ በመሆን ወደ አገር አፍራሽነት ለማምራት ችለናል።  በየቤተክርስቲያናትም ውስጥ የሚታዩት ስዕሎች፣ እየሱስንና ማርያምን ከነጭ ዘር ጋር ማያያዝ፣ ጥቁሩን ደግሞ ሰይጣን አስመስሎ ከስሩ ማስቀመጥ፣ እነዚህና ሌሎች ነገሮች በሙሉ ሳንወድ በግድ የነጭ ዘርን የበላይነት አሜን ብለን እንድንቀበል አስገድዶናል። ቀደም ብሎ በህወሃት የአገዛዝ ዘመን፣ አሁን ደግሞ በአቢይ የአገዛዝ ዘመን ነጮች ልዩ ቦታ የሚሰጣቸውና፣ ከውጭ ሃገር ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የሚመጡ ነጮች ልዩ  እንክብካቤ የሚደረግላቸውና ካለምንም ጥበቃና መንገላታት ከአውሮፕላን ማረፊያ ወርደው ወደ መሀል ከተማ ለመግባት እንደሚችሉ ነው የምንሰማው። በአንፃሩ ከውጭ ሀገር የሚገቡ ኢትዮጵያውያንም ሆነ ሌሎች የአፍሪካ አገር ዜጎች እውሮፕላን ጣቢያ ከደረሱ በኋላ ለማለፍ አራት ሰዓት ያህል እንደሚጠብቁ ነው የምንሰማው። በአንድ ስብሰባ ላይ አንድ የካሜሩን ሴት አዲስ አበባ አውሮፕላን ማረፊያ የደረሰባትን መንገላታት ስትነግረኝ እናንተ ኢትዮጵያውያኖች ዘረኞች ናችሁ በማለት ነው  ብሶቷን የነገረችኝ። ከኤርፖርቱ ውስት ለመውጣት አራት ሰዓት መጠበቅ እንደነበረባት እየተበሳጨች ነግራኛለች። እኔም ይህ ዐይነቱ ዘረኝነት አንቺን ብቻ ሳይሆን እኛ ኢትዮጵያውኖችንም የሚመለከት ጉዳይ ስለሆነ ጉዳዩ ከዕውቀትና ከንቃተ-ህሊና ማነስ ጋር እንደሚያያዝ በማስረዳት ላቀዘቅዛት ችያለሁ። ይህ ሁሉ የሚያረጋግጠው በተለይም የብሄረሰብን አርማ ይዘው ስልጣን ላይ የወጡና የሚወጡ የዚህም ሆነ የዚያኛው ብሄረሰብ ኤሊቶች ስልጣን ላይ ለመቆየት የሚችሉት ከውስጥ ዘረኝነትን ሲያስፋፉና ለነጩ ደግሞ ተገዢ ሲሆኑ ብቻ ነው።  ይህንንም ተገን በማድረግ ነው በተለይም እንደአሜሪካን የመሰለው ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ኃይል በእኛና በተቀረው ዓለም ህዝብ ላይ የበላይነቱ ለማስፈንና እንድናመልከውም ሊያደርገን የቻለው።

ለዚህ ደግሞ በተለይም ከሁለተኛው ዓለም ጦርነት በኋላ የተፈጠረው አዲስ የኃይል አሰላለፍና፣ የአሜሪካን ዶላርም የዓለም የመገበያያና ማስቀመጫ መሳሪያ(Trading and Reserve Currency)1 መሆን የአሜሪካን ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ዶላርን በመጠቀም በተለይም የአፍሪካን ዕድገት መቆጣጠሪያና ሀብቷን መበዝበዢያ መሳሪያ ለማድረግ በቅቷል። በተለይም የዓለም አቀፍን ስም የተከናነቡ፣ እንደ ዓለም አቀፍ የገንዘብ ድርጅትና(IMF) የዓለም ባንክ(World Bank) የመሳሰሉትን ተገን በማድረግና ሳይንሳዊ ይዘት የሌለው፣ አንጀት አጥብቅ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ(Austerity Economic Policy) ተግባራዊ እንዲያደርጉ በማስገደድ በየአገሮቹ ውስጥ ያልተስተካከለ ሁኔታ (Unbalanced Situation) እንዲፈጠር ለማድረግ ቻለ። በተለይም እያንዳንዱ አገር የማክሮ ኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ(Macroeconomic Policy) ተግባራዊ ማድረግ አለበት በማለት ከየአገሩ ተጨባጭ ሁኔታና ከህዝቡ ፍላጎት ውጭ የሆነ የኢኮኖሚ  ፖሊሲ እንዲተገበር በማድረግ ድህነትና ረሃብ እንዳይወገዱ ለማድረግ በቃ። ይህ ዐይነቱ የማክሮ ኢኮኖሚክ ፖሊሲ ደግሞ ሙሉ በሙሉ በነጻ ገበያ ላይ የሚመረኮዝና የመንግስትን ጣልቃ-ገብነት የሚቃወም በመሆኑ ፖሊሲው ሁለ-ገብ ከመሆን ይልቅ በተናጠል ነገሮች ላይ ብቻ የሚያተኩር ለመሆን በቃ። በእነ ዓለም የገንዘብ ድርጅትና በዓለም ባንክ፣ በአጭሩ በዓለም አቀፍ ኮሙኒቲው የሚደነገገው የማክሮ ኢኮኖሚክ ፖሊሲ ደግሞ በመሰረቱ በታላቁ ኢኮኖሚስት በኬይንስ የረቀቀውንና አብዛኛዎቹ የካፒታሊስት አገሮች ከሁለተኛው ዓለም ጦርነት በኋላ ተግባራዊ´ ያደረጉትን በመንግስታጥ ጣልቃ-ገብነት የተደገፈውን የመልሶ ግንባታ ፖሊሲ እንዳለ የሚፃረር  ነው። በኬይንስ ዕምነትም የካፒታሊስት ኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት በየጊዜው ከፍና ዝቅ ስለሚልና፣ በዚህም የተነሳ የስራ-አጥ ቁጥር ስለሚጨምር የግዴታ መንግስት በፊስካል ፖሊሲ አማካይነት ጣልቃ በመግባት ኢኮኖሚው እንዲንቀሳቀስ ማድረግ መቻል አለበት። መንግስት ራሱ እንደጠያቂ ስለሚቀርብና ለልዩ የግል ተቋራጮች ኢንቬስት እንዲያደርጉ ዕድል ስለሚሰጥ በዚያው መጠንም ገንዘብ በቀጥታ ወደምርታማ ነገሮች ላይ በመፍሰስ ኢኮኖሚው እንዲያድግ ያደርጋል ይላላ። ስለሆነም በዚህ መልክ በተዘዋዋሪ የሚደጎመውና የሚታገዘው ኢኮኖሚ የስራ መስክ በመክፈት የሚመረቱት ምርቶች በመሸጥ፣ በተዘዋዋሪ ደግሞ በኢኮኖሚው ማደግ የተነሳ የመንግስትም የቀረጥ መሰረት(Tax Base) በማደግ በየጊዜው ከቀረጥ ስብሰባ የሚያገኘው ገቢ ስለሚጭምር ዕዳውን ለመክፈልና የተቀረውን ደግሞ መልሶ ለመዋዕለ-ነዋይ እንዲያውለው ዕድል ያገኛል ይላል። ይህንን የኬይንስን ቅዱስና ትክክለኛ አመለካከትና አካሄድ የዓለም አቀፍ የገንዘብ ድርጅትና የዓለም ባንክ፣ ባጭሩ ኒዎ-ሊበራል የሚባሉት ኢኮኖሚስቶች እንዳለ ይቃወሙታል። በእነሱ ዕምነት ሁሉም ነገር ለገበያው መለቀቅ አለበት። ከረጅም ጊዜ አንፃር ገበያ ራሱን በራሱ የማረም ኃይል ስላለው ሁሉም ነገር ሚዛናዊነትን ያገኛል ይላሉ። በኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት ታሪክ ውስጥ ያልታየ ነገር በመንዛት ብዙ ወጣት ተማሪዎችን ያሳስታሉ ማለት ነው።

ለማንኛውም  የአሜሪካን ዶላር ከወርቅ ከተነጠለ  ከ1971 ዓ.ም በኋላና፣  በ1973  ዓ.ም ከቋሚ የገንዘብ ልውውጥ(Fixed Exchange Rate) ይልቅ ተለዋዋጭ የገንዘብ ልውውጥ (Varaibale Exchange Rate)2 በተለይም በካፒታሊስት አገሮች ውስጥ ተግባራዊ እንዲሆን ሲወሰን፣ ከዘይት መወደድ ጋር በመደመር በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ የፋይናንስ ካፒታል ብቻውን ተለይቶ እንዲወጣ አደረገው። በዘይት ሺያጭ የተነሳ በዶላር የደለቡ አገሮች ገንዘባቸውን ወደ አውሮፓና አሜሪካ በማሸሽና ባንኮችን በማበልጸግ ለፋይናንስ ካፒታሊዝም ዕድገት  ልዩ ዕምርታን ሊሰጠው ቻለ። በዚህ ላይ ልዩ ልዩ የገንዘብ ማስቀማጫ ዘዴዎች፣ ሀብት መፍጠሪያና መበዝበዢያ መሳሪያዎች እንደ ሄጅ ፈንድስ(Hedge Funds)3 የመሳሰሉት በመፈጠራቸው በአፍሪካና በተቀሩት የሶስተኛው ዓለም አገሮች የሚገኙትን የጥሬ-ሀብቶች ለመቆጣጠርና ለመበዝበዝ አመቺ ሁኔታ ተፈጠረ።  በዚያው መጠንም በተለይም ከጥሬ-ሀብት መቆጣጠርና ማውጣት ጋር የተያያዙና በአሜሪካን ትላልቅ ኩባንያዎች የሚደገፉ ጦርነቶች(Proxy Wars) በመስፋፋትና ከየአገሩ አገዛዞች ጋር በመመሰጣጠር  ምስኪኑን ህዝብ መቆሚያ መቀመጫ ሊያሳጡት ቻሉ። በየአገሮች ውስጥም ዶላር ከመስፋፋቱ የተነሳ የአብዛኛዎቹ የሶስተኛው ዓለም አገር ኢኮኖሚዎች በዶላር ላይ የሚመኩ በመሆን፣ በየጊዜው በሚካሄደው የገንዘብ ቅነሳ(Devalutaion) ምክንያት የተነሳ የየአገሩ ገንዘብ የመግዛት ኃይል በከፍተኛ ደረጃ እንዲዳከም ለመደረግ በቃ። ካለ ዶላርና ኦይሮ ኢኮኖሚን ማሳደግ አይቻልም የሚለው ፍልስፍና ስለተስፋፋ የየአገሩ ገንዘብ ሊኖረው የሚችለውን ሚናና ኃይል ተፈላጊ ቦታ ሳይሰጠው ቀረ። በንግድ ልውውጥና በብድር አማካይነት ከውጭ የሚመጣው ዶላር ደግሞ አብዛኛው ምርትን ለማሳደግና(Productivity)  ለቴክኖሎጂያዊ ለውጥ ሳይሆን  ለቅንጦት ዕቃዎች ስለሚውል የውጭ ዕዳው በየዓመቱ እያደገና የንግድ ሚዛኑም በከፍተኛ ደረጃ እየተዳከመ ለመምጣት ቻለ። በዚህ መልክ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝምና የአሜሪካን ዶላር ልዩ ቦታን መያዝና እንደአምልኮ መታየት በየአገሩ የሚገኘውን የጥሬ-ሀብትና የሰው ኃይል ስርዓት ባለው መልክ ማንቀሳቀስና ኢኮኖሚውን በሚያስተማምን መልክ መገንባት አልተቻለም። ባለፈው ጽሁፌ ለማሳየት እንደሞከርኩት በዚህ መልክ የሚገለጸው ካፒታሊዝም በየአገሮች ውስጥና በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ አመጽን በማስፋፋት፣ በተለይም በደካማው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል ዘንድ ፍርሃትን ማሳደር ቻለ። ካፒታሊዝም ባህላዊ ነገሮች የሚባሉትን የአሰራርና ስልቶችንና እሴቶችን በመደምሰስ የሰው አስተሳሰብ እንዳለ ወደ ፍጆታ አጠቃቀም( Consumption Pattern) እንዲለወጥ በማድረግ  የሰው የእርስ በርስ ግኑኝነትም በገንዘብ እንዲለካ ለማድረግ በቃ።  ሁሉም ነገር ገደብ እንዳይኖረው በማድረግ፣ በየአገሮች ውስጥ  ባህለ-አልባ አሰተሳሰብ መፍጠር ተቻለ። ካለገደብ መብላት፣ ካለገደብ መጠጣት፣ ካለገደብ ሁሉንም ነገር መመኘት፣ማግበስበስና ማድረግ የሚለው  አስተሳሰብ ስለተስፋፋ በተፈጥሮና በህብረተሰብ፣ እንዲሁም በባህል ላይ ከፍተኛ ዘመቻ በማካሄድ እንደኛ የመሰሉ አገሮች ትርምስ ውስጥ ሊገቡ ቻሉ። የአገራችን ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ይህንን ነው የሚያረጋግጠው። በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ ውስጥ በመንገድ ላይ የሚሽከረከሩትን የቅንጦት መኪናዎችን ለተመለከተ፣ በጋብቻ ጊዜ በአምስት ኮከብ ሆቴልቤቶች ውስጥ የሚደገሰው ድግስና፣ ሙሽሮች የሚሄዱበት ከአሜሪካን የመጣ ርዝመቱ አራት ሜትር የሚያክል ነጭ መኪናና፣ በአንዳንድ ቦታዎች የሚሰሩት የገበያ አዳራሾችና(Malls) ለሺያጭ የሚደረደሩት የቅንጦች ዕቃዎች የሚያረጋግጡት የባህል ውድቀትን ነው። ይህ ዐይነቱ የፍጆታ አጠቃቀምና ልዩ ዐይነት መኪናዎች መሽከርከር ከአገራችን ተጨባች ሁኔታ ጋር የሚሄዱ አይደሉም። በተለይም ገንዘብ ይናገራል፣ ገንዘብ ዓለምን ያሽከረክራል(Money Talks and Money makes the World go round) የሚለው አስተሳሰብ በመስፋፋቱ የሰው ልጅ ህይወት ከመንፈሳዊ ይልቅ ይበልጥ ማቴሪያላዊ ለመሆን በቅቷል። እንደኛ ባለው ከፍተኛ ምሁራዊ ድክመት በሚታይበት አገር ውስጥ በየጊዜው ተግባራዊ የሚሆኑ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲዎችን ለመመርመር ስለማይቻልና ፍላጎትም ስለሌለ እንደምናየው የአገራችን እሴትች በመበጣጠስ ሰፊው ህዝብ ግራ ተጋብቶ ይገኛል። ከፍተኛ የመንፈስ መቃወስም ይታያል። በአሁኑ ጊዜ ወደ ዕብድነት የሚጠጉ  17 ሚሊዮን የሚሆኑ ዜጎች በጭንቅላት ህመም እንደሚሰቃዩ ይነገራል።

ይሁንና ካፒታሊዝም እንደዚህ ዐይነት ብዝበዛ፣ ህብረተሰብአዊና ተፈጥሮአዊ ቀውስ ቢያስከትልም፣ በሌላ ወገን ግን በካፒታሊዝም አማካይነት ብቻ ነው ይህ ዐይነቱ የሳይንስና የቴክኖሎጂ ምጥቀት ሊታይ የቻለው። የባቡር ሃዲድ መፈጠርና በየጊዜው መሻሻል፣ አውሮፕላን ተፈጥሮና ተሻሽሎ ብዙ ወራቶችን የሜፈጀው መንገድ ከአንድ ቦታ ወደ ሌላ ቦታ በስምንት ሰዓታትና ከዚያም በታች ለመድረስ መቻል፣ በኢንተርኔት ቴክኖሎጂ አማካይነት መረጃዎችን ማግኘትና መለዋወጥ፣ ወንዝ ሄዶ ልብስ ከማጠብ ይልቅ በልብስ ማጠቢያ ቤት ውስጥ ማጠብና ማድረቅ... ወዘተ. እነዚህ ለውጦችና መሻሻሎች በሙሉ የሚያያዙት ከካፒታሊዝም ዕድገትና፣ ካፒታሊዝም ትርፍን ለማካበትና ገበያዎችን ለመቆጣጠር ሲል በሚፈጥረው አዳዲስ ቴክኖሎጂዎች የተነሳ ነው። ከዚህም በላይ ለሙዚቃና ለፊልም ኢንዱስትሪ አመቺ ሁኔታ በመፈጠሩ ሙዚቃና ፊልም፣ እንዲሁም ቲያትርና ልዩ ልዩ ሞዶች ዓለም አቀፋዊ ባህርይ በመውሰድ እስከተወሰነ ደረጃ ለመኮረጅ ተቻለ።  ሰለሆነም በካፒታሊስት አገሮች የተፈጠረው ቲክኖሎጂ  እስከተወሰነ ደረጃ ድረስ የዓለም ህዝብ ሊጠቅምበት ችሏል ማለት ይቻላል። ይህ ዐይነቱ የሳይንስና የቴክኖሎጂ ጠቀሜታ ግን የዓለምን ህዝብ እንዳለ ውስጣዊ ኃይል(Empower) ሊያጎናጽፈው አልቻለም። ቀደም ብዬ ባብራሁት ምክንያት የተነሳና፣ ካፒታሊዝምና ኢምፔሪያሊዝም ልዩ መስመርን ለመከተል በመቻላቸው፣ የስውን ልጅ ነፃነት የመቀናቀንና ውስጠ-ኃይሉን የማዳከም ኃይላቸው እያየለ ለመምጣት ችሏል። በአብዛኛዎቹ የሶስተኛው ዓለም አገሮች የሚገኙት አገዛዞች የሳይንስና የቴክኖሎጂን ምንነት ባለመረዳታቸው ከኢምፔሪያሊዝም ጋር በመቆላለፍ ይበልጥ ጨቋኞች ለመሆን በቁ። በዚህ አካሄዳቸው የሰውን ልጅ ውስጣዊ ኃይልና ፍላጎት በማፈን እንዳለ ነፃነቱን ለመግፈፍ በቁ።

ከዚህ ዐይነቱ አጠቃላይ ሁኔታ ስንነሳ በዛሬው መልክ የሚካሄደው ትግል የሳይንስን ምንነትና ሚና፣ በተለይም ደግሞ የተለያዩ የኢኮኖሚና የህብረተሰብ ሳይንስ ቲዎሪዎችን በማጥናትና በመረዳት ለአገራችን የተሟላ ዕድገት የሚያመቸውን መስመር መከተል ነው። ከዚህም በላይ አንድ አገር የተሟላ ዕድገት ለማግኘት የምትችለውና ህዝቡም ዕውነተኛ ነፃነት የሚሰማው ኢኮኖሚክስ ከተፈጥሮ ሳይንስ፣ በተለይም ከፊዝክስ ጋር የተያያዘ ሲሆን ብቻ ነው። ኢኮኖሚ ቲዎሪና ፖሊሲ በራሳቸው ምንም ነገር  ሊፈጥሩ የሚችሉት ነገር የለም። በኃይልና(Energy)
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/177933

Semaneh Tamrat Jemere

Ottawa, Canada

Since the war in Northern Ethiopia started in November 2020, the United States and Ethiopia have spoken to one another on several occasions. After the talks, the State Department (SD) has the practice of issuing press releases for reasons of transparency and record-keeping afterward. For most Ethiopian observers, SD’s press releases appear to contradict the reality on the ground and harm the national interest of America that the institution is supposed to advance. Worse of all the SD’s political and diplomatic positions were unambiguously skewed to appeasing the TPLF at the expense of 110 million people. Ethiopians are wondering how a historic and strategic partner of the East African nation pursues a policy that promotes the violence and crimes committed by the TPLF rebel group.

The glaring question here is that are American policymakers naive enough to put at stake the hundred years old diplomatic relations between the two countries for the sake of grooming a rebel group to power. Truly speaking America is not naive but willfully ignorant of facts surrounding the conflict in Northern Ethiopia. The US fully understands the geopolitical significance of the Horn of Africa and the strategic role Ethiopia plays in the maintenance of order and stability in the region. However, recent trends in the USA's measures and approaches do not take into consideration this complex context which further contributes to the intractability of conflicts in the region. We hope the US should know better and well placed than any other country to understand the political and security ramifications as well as risks of treating TPLF as an equal party with a legitimate government that is constitutionally elected through popular sovereignty of the Ethiopian people

However, this time around the talk between PM Abiy and Secretary Blinken is worth investing our energy to synthesize the silver lining of SD’s brief press release of November 23, 2022. Though the media brief is quite succinct, it contains significant messages indicative of the US administration’s intent of distancing itself from its long-held appeasement strategy. Undoubtedly, the US seems to be weighing into the political cost of appeasing the TPLF as exemplified in the following statement of the US administration.

“…… Antony J. Blinken spoke today with …. Abiy Ahmed about efforts to bring lasting peace to northern Ethiopia.  …Blinken recognized ongoing efforts by the Ethiopian government to work towards unhindered humanitarian assistance and restoration of basic services in the Tigray Region as well as in the neighboring Afar and Amhara Regions. The Secretary underscored the importance of immediately implementing the cessation of hostilities agreement, including the withdrawal of all foreign forces and concurrent disarmament of the Tigrayan forces. ……the United States remains committed to supporting the African Union-led process, including the AU monitoring and verification mechanism.”

In a nutshell, the talk is symptomatic of diplomatic resuscitation between the two countries that have been at loggerheads for two years. The statement sets the stage for toning down the unwarranted political rhetoric to rebuild mutual trust and understanding. Let us see how it is unlocking the political and diplomatic logjam that lingered for a few years now as follows:

The narrative of Lasting peace to Northern Ethiopia:  Contrary to the US’s earlier stance of bringing peace only to Tigray, the statement affirms the administration’s commitment to bringing lasting peace to Northern Ethiopia. In previous press releases, the SD deliberately chose not to talk about bringing peace to the Amhara and Afar regions. This time around Blinken’s talk of peace for Northern Ethiopia signifies America’s tacit recognition of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ethiopia. It is a statement that debunked TPLF’s rhetoric of self-determination and the Government of Tigray state narrative.

The unhindered humanitarian assistance and restoration of basic services narrative: Blinken gave undue recognition to the Government of Ethiopia’s ongoing efforts of humanitarian assistance, and restoration of basic services in the Tigray, Amhara, and Afar regions of Ethiopia. This demonstrates the US’s new gambit of advocating for assistance and restoration of services to all three regions ravaged by the senseless war. On the part of the US Administration, it is a significant departure from the long-held anti-Amhara and Afar stance and a stunning admission of the reality on the ground.

The cessation of hostilities agreement narrative:  The Secretary underscoring the significance of implementing the cessation of hostilities agreement dispels TPLF’s plan and preparation for another round of war. According to Obasanjo "War means the failure of politics."  If TPLF opts for another round of war, it is the failure of the international community in making the huge mistake and calculated risk of ignoring its capacity to cause tremendous suffering and regional crisis. A proactive, objective and balanced assessment of the facts on the ground enhance US's capability to act accordingly with a goal that helps to promote security, peace, and cooperation.

The withdrawal of all foreign forces and concurrent disarmament narrative: the US’ insistence for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Northern Ethiopia is a clear deviation from earlier held positions of squarely blaming the Eritrean forces. Blinken’s statement of foreign forces is a convoluted admission of the involvement of Sudanese & Egyptian forces supporting TPLF in Mekelle.  Interestingly, this time around the US didn’t call for the withdrawal of the Amhara militia and Special Forces as they have been lamenting all along for two years. This is a stunning recognition of Ethiopia’s sovereign right of mobilizing its army, militia & special forces within the preview of its international boundary as deemed necessary.

Whatever the US administration’s demand for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Tigray seems unwarranted, the US knows that as a sovereign nation Ethiopia has the legal rights and political responsibility to make cooperation based on its national interest and security concerns. The Eritrean case is no exception to this rule.

Cognizant of the concern of the US as a strategic partner and diplomatic ally, the two countries need to look for better diplomatic engagements and communications to leverage the existing developments with regard to the matter. However, official statements denouncing Ethiopia's decision are not helpful to the cause but rather make Ethiopians question the intentions of the US administration and its foreign policy

towards Ethiopia. The US needs to disengage from undermining the trust and confidence that it used to enjoy from the Ethiopian people that has been built over several decades of friendship.

In addition, the Secretary underscoring the concurrent disarmament of Tigrayan forces herald the significance of cessation of hostilities as well as the implementation of the peace accord detrimental to the attainment of universal peace in Northern Ethiopia. Although the US agrees for Tigrayan forces to lay down their arms, it remains short of clearly stating the need for immediate commencement of this process by the TPLF forces. Yet, a blanket statement of Tigrayan forces could be viewed as an all-encompassing Tigrayan force inside the Tigray region. This should be taken as a good omen of tacit agreement to the peace deal.

Finally, Blinken concluded his talks with PM Abiy with full recognition and adherence to the African Union brokered peace agreement. Reading through the silver lining of the press release, the US administration seems to have debunked the hopes & aspirations of other interest groups. Undoubtedly this can be considered a diplomatic victory both for the African Union and the Government of Ethiopia.

 

Semaneh Tamrat Jemere, Ottawa, Canada

--

TPLF-Tigray Peoples Liberation Front

https://et.usembassy.gov/secretary-blinkens-call-with-ethiopian-prime-minister-abiy-3/

Underlines and Boldface added by the authors

https://trendsresearch.org/insight/eritrea-and-sudan-in-ethiopias-tigray-conflict-and-implications-for-the-horn-of-africa/
https://zehabesha.com/making-sense-of-blinken-abiy-talks-of-november-22-2022/

Biden did not invite embattled Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to the US-Africa Leaders’ Summit

Rather invitation was sent to the ceremonial president Sahle-Work Zewde




President Joseph R. Biden Jr. did not invite the embattled Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed Ali to the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit taking place in Washington D.C. December 13-15. Rather, the invitation was extended to the country’s ceremonial President, Sahle-Work Zewde.

Tigrayans who blame Abiy for the two-year war and the hundreds of thousands of deaths in Tigray and elsewhere would have greeted him with protests in Washington, although many other Ethiopians have put the blame squarely on the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

On November 22, United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Abiy on the phone and both leaders discussed efforts to bring about lasting peace in northern Ethiopia.

State Department spokesperson Ned Price said that during their phone call, Secretary Blinken “underscored the importance of immediately implementing the cessation of hostilities agreement, including withdrawal of all foreign forces and concurrent disarmament of the Tigrayan forces.”

“Secretary Blinken recognized ongoing efforts by the Ethiopian government to work towards unhindered humanitarian assistance and restoration of basic services in the Tigray Region as well as in the neighboring Afar and Amhara Regions,” Price said. “He noted that the United States remains committed to supporting the African Union-led process, including the AU monitoring and verification mechanism.”

While the decision not to invite Abiy Ahmed may be very controversial, the snub comes as Amnesty International on Thursday criticized the November 2 peace accord signed in South Africa by the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) over war crimes in Tigray and elsewhere.

The human rights organization said that the agreement “fails to offer a clear roadmap on how to ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and overlooks rampant impunity in the country, which could lead to violations being repeated.”

It called on the African Union to “put pressure” on the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali to fully cooperate with local and international human rights experts.

“The African Union must urgently pressure the Ethiopian government to fully cooperate with both regional and international investigative mechanisms on human rights to ensure justice for victims and survivors of violations — especially sexual violence,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn of Africa, and the Great Lakes Region.

“The Ethiopian authorities must urgently allow unfettered access to the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) and the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights to enable investigations to take place, and ultimately to ensure those responsible for atrocities in Ethiopia’s two-year conflict face justice,” added Mwangovya.

In an opinion piece, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo acknowledged that although the peace deal was not perfect, implementation should go ahead for peace to return to Ethiopia.

“Any pessimist can dig holes in the agreement, undermine it and try to prevent it from being implemented. But no agreement between two belligerents for peace will ever be regarded as perfect by all because it must, necessarily, be based on compromise,” Obasanjo wrote.

He added, “We can, however, strive for perfection in the implementation of the agreement in order to achieve the objectives of peace, security, constitutionality, stability, welfare and well-being, development, and progress of all concerned, especially the ordinary people of Ethiopia no matter where they live.

“The agreement must be implemented in good faith, on the basis of peace with honor and dignity, constitutionality and stability.  Peace deals function on building trust, and that trust has to be nurtured, layered and reinforced from inside and outside.

“All leaders of Ethiopia and all Ethiopians with their neighbors, partners and friends must join hands and accept the truth that there is ‘no victor, no vanquished’ if the possibility of peace, common security and shared prosperity, development and progress for all concerned is to be realized.

“The peace agreement and its implementation must be owned by the leaders and people of Ethiopia. The panel and the observers are mere facilitators, there to provide a guiding hand if needed.”

Who else will attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ summit?


President Cyril Ramaphosa meeting with President Joseph Biden of the United States if America, at the White House Oval Office in Washington DC during President Ramaphosa’s working visit in the US. 16/09/2022; photo byline:Yandisa Monakali


Special Assistant to President Biden and National Security Council Senior Advisor for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, Dana Banks, told reporters during a news conference on November 22 that Mr. Biden invited 49 African heads of state, excluding those from Burkina Faso, Guinea, Sudan, and Mali, four countries currently suspended by the African Union. He also invited the chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat.

All the four countries not invited by President Biden are currently run by strong men who took power by the guns.

As of Wednesday, forty-five African heads of state and government had confirmed attendance to the U.S. Africa Leaders’ Summit. The White House has not released information about those who have confirmed attendance and those who have not.

Such information is often released days to the event as there does not seem to be a deadline for reservation.

Banks and U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, who briefed reporters on Tuesday during a teleconference about the upcoming U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit’s agenda said the event is meant to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations and highlight the U.S. commitment to the African continent.

Last week, the White House National Security Council disclosed to Today News Africa the process President Joseph R. Biden Jr. used to invite African governments to attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit.

In an email to Today News Africa, a White House National Security Council spokesperson said that President Biden used three criteria to invite African governments to the Summit.

“President Biden invited all sub-Saharan and North African governments that 1) have not been suspended by the African Union, 2) of states the U.S. Government recognizes, and 3) of states with which we exchange Ambassadors,” the official said.

The official added that “President Biden looks forward to hosting leaders from across the African continent,” adding that “Our goal is to host a broadly inclusive Summit.”

Several African countries have been sanctioned by the African Union as a result of coups and counter coups, especially in West Africa where democracy has been tested in recent months, with coups and coup attempts in Burkina Faso, Mali and elsewhere. The United States on its part recognizes most African nations, except a few like Western Sahara.

What’s the full agenda of the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit?

At their press briefing on Tuesday, November 22, U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, laid out the full agenda for the three days of the conference.

He said, “The first day is our widest aperture day.  We’re having a series of forums – an African and Diaspora Young Leaders forum; a civil society forum; a peace, security, and governance forum.  There will be discussions on climate as well as on health.

“The second day is dedicated to the U.S.-Africa Business Forum, and a full day of opportunities for African and U.S. businesses to come together and to meet with delegations from the continent.

“And the third day is the leaders day, obviously, with President Biden and heads of delegation, heads of state from the continent involved.

“Let me just focus a little bit on the first day.  I think what we’re seeing here is an opportunity to have as many players as possible involved in the discussion.  One of the events which I think is extremely interesting and important, and one that has generated some interest I’ve seen from your questions online, is the African and Diaspora Young Leaders Forum.  And let me go through that quickly.

“As you know, the African Union has identified the African diaspora as the sixth region of the African Union.  And we also see the diaspora as a huge resource and opportunity for engagement here.  So this event on the first day will bring together youth leaders, civil society, political actors, creatives, and folks involved in climate and other areas.  I think what we’re seeing is a lot of interest in the event.  Let me just point out that one of the areas – there’ll be a breakout session on education, a breakout session on creatives, and a breakout session on climate and energy.

“The one that I’d just focus on quickly is on creatives.  As you know, the creative industry is becoming a more and more important part of GDP on the continent and here in the United States.  And bringing actors from the continent together with their counterparts here in the U.S. is a wonderful opportunity to synergize and to get these groups working together and collaborating on music, on fashion, on culture.  And that’s a huge outcome that we see from that event.

“The second one, real quickly, is the civil society forum.  Again, we’re fully aware of the fact that the – we call it the megaphone of governance – isn’t just that held by governments, but rather by civil society actors, NGOs.  A lot of voices are involved in that.  And this event will allow policymakers to come together with members from labor, from civil society, in order to talk about how do you strengthen institutions and reduce corruption, an important support also for the AU’s Agenda 2063.

“Finally, let me wrap by just mentioning the peace, security, and governance forum.  The idea here is again to look at the linkages between democratic institutions and governance and how they impact long-term peace and prosperity.  We will see our secretaries of State and Defense and administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development coming together with a set of African leaders to talk about these inter-linkages.”

The Summit, only the second of such event of its kind in Washington D.C., will be the biggest U.S.-Africa engagement in Washington D.C. since former President Barack Obama hosted African leaders in 2014.

The gathering in the American capital aims to advance shared priorities and foster stronger ties between the United States and Africa. It will also provide an opportunity to advance the Biden administration’s focus on trade and investment in Africa, highlight America’s commitment to Africa’s security, its democratic development, and its people, as well as emphasize the depth and breadth of the United States’ commitment to the African continent.

The Biden administration has said that the Summit “will demonstrate the United States’ enduring commitment to Africa, and will underscore the importance of U.S.-Africa relations and increased cooperation on shared global priorities.”

“Africa will shape the future — not just the future of the African people, but of the world. Africa will make the difference in tackling the most urgent challenges and seizing the opportunities we all face,” the administration added.

President Biden has held several other summits since he was inaugurated in January 2021. On December 9-10, 2021, President Biden held the first of two Summits for Democracy, which brought together leaders from government, civil society, and the private sector in a shared effort to set forth “an affirmative agenda for democratic renewal and to tackle the greatest threats faced by democracies today through collective action.”

The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit comes just months after Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken unveiled the new U.S. policy for Africa in South Africa last August.

The new policy says that the United States will pursue four main objectives in Africa. The four objectives in the new strategy are fostering openness and open societies, delivering democratic and security dividends, advancing pandemic recovery and economic opportunities, and supporting conservation, climate adaptation and a just energy transition.

To realize its ‘openness and open societies’ objective, the U.S. will promote government transparency and accountability, increase the U.S. focus on the rule of law, justice, and dignity, and assist African countries to more transparently leverage their natural resources for sustainable development.

For democracy and security dividends, the U.S. will focus on “working with allies and regional partners to stem the recent tide of authoritarianism and military takeovers, backing civil society, empowering marginalized groups, centering the voices of women and youth, and defending free and fair elections, improving the capacity of African partners to advance regional stability and security and reducing the threat from terrorist groups to the U.S. Homeland, persons, and diplomatic and military facilities.”

To advance the pandemic recovery and economic opportunities for Africa, the U.S. will focus on “prioritizing policies and programs to end the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic and build capacities to increase preparedness for the next health threat, supporting manufacturing initiatives for vaccines and other medical countermeasures, Promoting a stronger growth trajectory and debt sustainability to support the region’s economic recovery, including through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), Prosper Africa, Power Africa, Feed the Future, and a new initiative for digital transformation and partnering with African countries to rebuild human capital and food systems that were further weakened by the pandemic and Russia’s war against Ukraine.

And to advance the conversation with Africans, climate adaptation and a just energy transition, the U.S. will focus on “partnering with governments, civil society, and local communities to conserve, manage, and restore the continent’s rich natural ecosystems, supporting countries in their efforts to minimize and adapt to the impacts of a changing climate, including enhancing community, economic, and supply chain resilience, working closely with countries to accelerate their just transitions to a clean energy future, energy access, and energy security, and pursuing public-private partnerships to sustainably develop and secure the critical minerals that will supply clean energy technologies.”

The new strategy begins by acknowledging that “Sub-Saharan Africa plays a critical role in advancing global priorities to the benefit of Africans and Americans,” and that it “has one of the world’s fastest growing populations, largest free trade areas, most diverse ecosystems, and one of the largest regional voting groups in the United Nations (UN).”

It asserts that “It is impossible to meet today’s defining challenges without African contributions and leadership,” especially because “the region will factor prominently in efforts to: end the COVID-19 pandemic; tackle the climate crisis; reverse the global tide of democratic backsliding; address global food insecurity; promote gender equity and equality; strengthen an open and stable international system; shape the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber, and emerging technologies; and confront the threat of terrorism, conflict, and transnational crime.”

“Building on the Biden-Harris Administration’s actions and commitments to deepen our engagement and partnerships in Africa during the past year, the strategy articulates our new vision for a 21st Century U.S.-African Partnership. It recognizes the tremendous, positive opportunities that exist to advance shared interests alongside our African partners,” it says. “At the same time, we acknowledge that Africa’s potential will continue to be challenged as long as deadly conflicts divide societies, corruption impedes economic progress, food insecurity heightens the risk of famine and malnutrition, and repression stifles human rights and democratic expression.”

The new strategy acknowledges that as President Biden noted in his address to the African Union last year, “none of this is going to be easy but the United States stands ready now to be your partner, in solidarity, support, and mutual respect.”

News Africa

 
https://zehabesha.com/biden-did-not-invite-embattled-ethiopian-prime-minister-abiy-ahmed-to-the-us-africa-leaders-summit/

Yonas Biru, PhD

November 26, 2022

 

Some of the comments I got in reaction to my recent articles include the following. One in-boxed me via Facebook Messenger: “Why are you so vehemently against Pan Africanism and #NoMore?” Another texted me “Please stop your attack on #NoMore.” One was a free-spirited girl/woman: “Dude, you are too old to understand current events. So, STFU !!!!!”

Let me start with a general observation. In a world where systemic injustice exists, radical movements can contribute a positive role only where a moderate force is in play as a dominant or moderating force. This was the dynamics that served Martin Luther King’s and Malcolm’s movements. In the final chapter of Apartheid and since the end of it, Mandela was in the mold of Dr. King not of Malcolm. He was neither Anti-White nor pro-Black. He was just an equal rights champion.

Let us look at Pan Africanism. Some historians trace the origin of Pan Africanism to 1898. The first meeting was held in 1900 primarily by African American and Caribbean intellectuals. It was only after 1919 that the African diaspora started to attend Pan Africanism meetings in Paris, London, and New York. I think it was in the early 1970s that the first Pan Africanism meeting was held in Africa (Tanzania).

Pan Africanism has taken different forms, including the Harlem Renaissance (New York), Afrocentrism (London and Paris), African Liberation (Ethiopia and Ghana), Rastafarianism (Jamaica), even Hip Hop (US). Undoubtedly, Pan Africanism has played a positive role in the liberation of Africa. Outside of the African liberation, it was and continues to be a fringe movement without discernable positive outcome for continental Africa.

Why has Pan African movement failed to make a dent on African economic development in the increasingly globalized and integrated world? There are two key reasons. First, it has increasingly become a radical African movement. Since 1957, Africans have tried to use Pan Africanism as an economic solution, if not panacea. It has not worked. And it will not work in the foreseeable future. There are institutional, legal, and physical (capital and infrastructure) limitations. Most importantly, Africa’s growth is intertwined with the global economic order.

Second, there is nothing wrong if Pan Africanism is used as a regional economic association as a part off the global economic order. The problem is that it is often peddled as a protest movement. Nations such as Ethiopia have a lot to gain from leveraging their strategic geopolitical advantage rather than squandering it by hawking a nonsensical anti-neocolonialism and anti-imperialism movement.

As I have written before, when we talk about #NoMore we need to separate the intellectual genesis that gave birth to it and the young social media drivers who encapsulated it in an enchanting hashtag and propagated it to a global audience. It is an unfortunate marriage between antiquated intellectuals and modern-day social media connoisseurs. We need a divorce, followed by retiring the former and equipping the latter with the art and science of diplomacy. Only then can ourcapable social media connoisseurs put their expertise to use to advance Ethiopia’s geopolitical and diplomatic interests.

Professor Tesfaye Demmellash: “Unique in Africa in its abiding national civilization and its fierce resistance against European colonial encroachment, modern Ethiopia can become a much more significant, independent regional power in Africa. The colonial and post-colonial West’s concern for decades has been to constrain Ethiopian development...”

Professor Al Mariam: “What is happening in the relationship between Ethiopia and the U.S. is a ‘clash of civilization. It is a clash between a civilization founded on white European supremacy and an African civilization deeply rooted in black independency.” The colorful Professor went on to add: The US aims to “dismantle Ethiopia by orchestrating ethnic and religious warfare, making Ethiopia the Libya/Syria of Northeast Africa” because US leaders are “doggedly committed to destroying Ethiopia because want to avenge the humiliating and devastating double loss of a white army in Africa in recorded history.”

The same sentiment is echoed by PM Abiy who believes the West is against Ethiopia because “they are afraid of Ethiopia’s potential.” Why? “In 2050 there will be two superpowers and Ethiopia will be one of them.”

In the absence of a moderating and sane voice, Ethiopia’s public diplomacy and geopolitical narrative is dominated by such unfounded paranoia. The #NoMore movement was a byproduct of it. What made the bad situation worse is that our Embassies in Washington and European cities are voiceless. They have been crowded out by the #NoMore street diplomacy. I do not see anything Ethiopia has gotten from it in the short term or in the long term.

The utter nonsense in our public diplomacy and geopolitics is that for two years we condemned the west of being the enemy of Ethiopia driven by a desire to stop Ethiopia from becoming a “significant, independent regional power in Africa.” As soon as the war ends, we turn to the people we condemned as our enemies to help us build regions destroyed by the war.

I never cared for Thomas Sankara, the young officer who took power in Burkina Faso and became a champion of Pan Africanism in his generation. But I respect him because his first international affairs decision was to stop accepting international aid, saying: “He who feeds you, controls you.”

Our people hold a "Down with Imperialism" banner on one hand and a begging pan on the other to beg money from the very western countries that they see as their existential enemies. As I noted in my last article, there is something unsavory or even shameful about it.

 

 
https://zehabesha.com/ethiopia-has-many-clones-of-malcom-x-but-not-of-martin-luther-king/

rather invitation was sent to the ceremonial president Sahle-Work Zewde

President Joseph R. Biden Jr. did not invite the embattled Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed Ali to the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit taking place in Washington D.C. December 13-15. Rather, the invitation was extended to the country’s ceremonial President, Sahle-Work Zewde.

Tigrayans who blame Abiy for the two-year war and the hundreds of thousands of deaths in Tigray and elsewhere would have greeted him with protests in Washington, although many other Ethiopians have put the blame squarely on the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

On November 22, United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Abiy on the phone and both leaders discussed efforts to bring about lasting peace in northern Ethiopia.

State Department spokesperson Ned Price said that during their phone call, Secretary Blinken “underscored the importance of immediately implementing the cessation of hostilities agreement, including withdrawal of all foreign forces and concurrent disarmament of the Tigrayan forces.”

“Secretary Blinken recognized ongoing efforts by the Ethiopian government to work towards unhindered humanitarian assistance and restoration of basic services in the Tigray Region as well as in the neighboring Afar and Amhara Regions,” Price said. “He noted that the United States remains committed to supporting the African Union-led process, including the AU monitoring and verification mechanism.”

While the decision not to invite Abiy Ahmed may be very controversial, the snub comes as Amnesty International on Thursday criticized the November 2 peace accord signed in South Africa by the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) over war crimes in Tigray and elsewhere.

The human rights organization said that the agreement “fails to offer a clear roadmap on how to ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and overlooks rampant impunity in the country, which could lead to violations being repeated.”

It called on the African Union to “put pressure” on the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali to fully cooperate with local and international human rights experts.

“The African Union must urgently pressure the Ethiopian government to fully cooperate with both regional and international investigative mechanisms on human rights to ensure justice for victims and survivors of violations — especially sexual violence,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn of Africa, and the Great Lakes Region.

“The Ethiopian authorities must urgently allow unfettered access to the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) and the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights to enable investigations to take place, and ultimately to ensure those responsible for atrocities in Ethiopia’s two-year conflict face justice,” added Mwangovya.

In an opinion piece, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo acknowledged that although the peace deal was not perfect, implementation should go ahead for peace to return to Ethiopia.

“Any pessimist can dig holes in the agreement, undermine it and try to prevent it from being implemented. But no agreement between two belligerents for peace will ever be regarded as perfect by all because it must, necessarily, be based on compromise,” Obasanjo wrote.

He added, “We can, however, strive for perfection in the implementation of the agreement in order to achieve the objectives of peace, security, constitutionality, stability, welfare and well-being, development, and progress of all concerned, especially the ordinary people of Ethiopia no matter where they live.

“The agreement must be implemented in good faith, on the basis of peace with honor and dignity, constitutionality and stability.  Peace deals function on building trust, and that trust has to be nurtured, layered and reinforced from inside and outside.

“All leaders of Ethiopia and all Ethiopians with their neighbors, partners and friends must join hands and accept the truth that there is ‘no victor, no vanquished’ if the possibility of peace, common security and shared prosperity, development and progress for all concerned is to be realized.

“The peace agreement and its implementation must be owned by the leaders and people of Ethiopia. The panel and the observers are mere facilitators, there to provide a guiding hand if needed.”

Who else will attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ summit?

President Cyril Ramaphosa meeting with President Joseph Biden of the United States if America, at the White House Oval Office in Washington DC during President Ramaphosa’s working visit in the US. 16/09/2022; photo byline:Yandisa Monakali

Special Assistant to President Biden and National Security Council Senior Advisor for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, Dana Banks, told reporters during a news conference on November 22 that Mr. Biden invited 49 African heads of state, excluding those from Burkina Faso, Guinea, Sudan, and Mali, four countries currently suspended by the African Union. He also invited the chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat.

All the four countries not invited by President Biden are currently run by strong men who took power by the guns.

As of Wednesday, forty-five African heads of state and government had confirmed attendance to the U.S. Africa Leaders’ Summit. The White House has not released information about those who have confirmed attendance and those who have not.

Such information is often released days to the event as there does not seem to be a deadline for reservation.

Banks and U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, who briefed reporters on Tuesday during a teleconference about the upcoming U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit’s agenda said the event is meant to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations and highlight the U.S. commitment to the African continent.

Last week, the White House National Security Council disclosed to Today News Africa the process President Joseph R. Biden Jr. used to invite African governments to attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit.

In an email to Today News Africa, a White House National Security Council spokesperson said that President Biden used three criteria to invite African governments to the Summit.

“President Biden invited all sub-Saharan and North African governments that 1) have not been suspended by the African Union, 2) of states the U.S. Government recognizes, and 3) of states with which we exchange Ambassadors,” the official said.

The official added that “President Biden looks forward to hosting leaders from across the African continent,” adding that “Our goal is to host a broadly inclusive Summit.”

Several African countries have been sanctioned by the African Union as a result of coups and counter coups, especially in West Africa where democracy has been tested in recent months, with coups and coup attempts in Burkina Faso, Mali and elsewhere. The United States on its part recognizes most African nations, except a few like Western Sahara.

What’s the full agenda of the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit?

At their press briefing on Tuesday, November 22, U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, laid out the full agenda for the three days of the conference.

He said, “The first day is our widest aperture day.  We’re having a series of forums – an African and Diaspora Young Leaders forum; a civil society forum; a peace, security, and governance forum.  There will be discussions on climate as well as on health.

“The second day is dedicated to the U.S.-Africa Business Forum, and a full day of opportunities for African and U.S. businesses to come together and to meet with delegations from the continent.

“And the third day is the leaders day, obviously, with President Biden and heads of delegation, heads of state from the continent involved.

“Let me just focus a little bit on the first day.  I think what we’re seeing here is an opportunity to have as many players as possible involved in the discussion.  One of the events which I think is extremely interesting and important, and one that has generated some interest I’ve seen from your questions online, is the African and Diaspora Young Leaders Forum.  And let me go through that quickly.

“As you know, the African Union has identified the African diaspora as the sixth region of the African Union.  And we also see the diaspora as a huge resource and opportunity for engagement here.  So this event on the first day will bring together youth leaders, civil society, political actors, creatives, and folks involved in climate and other areas.  I think what we’re seeing is a lot of interest in the event.  Let me just point out that one of the areas – there’ll be a breakout session on education, a breakout session on creatives, and a breakout session on climate and energy.

“The one that I’d just focus on quickly is on creatives.  As you know, the creative industry is becoming a more and more important part of GDP on the continent and here in the United States.  And bringing actors from the continent together with their counterparts here in the U.S. is a wonderful opportunity to synergize and to get these groups working together and collaborating on music, on fashion, on culture.  And that’s a huge outcome that we see from that event.

“The second one, real quickly, is the civil society forum.  Again, we’re fully aware of the fact that the – we call it the megaphone of governance – isn’t just that held by governments, but rather by civil society actors, NGOs.  A lot of voices are involved in that.  And this event will allow policymakers to come together with members from labor, from civil society, in order to talk about how do you strengthen institutions and reduce corruption, an important support also for the AU’s Agenda 2063.

“Finally, let me wrap by just mentioning the peace, security, and governance forum.  The idea here is again to look at the linkages between democratic institutions and governance and how they impact long-term peace and prosperity.  We will see our secretaries of State and Defense and administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development coming together with a set of African leaders to talk about these inter-linkages.”

The Summit, only the second of such event of its kind in Washington D.C., will be the biggest U.S.-Africa engagement in Washington D.C. since former President Barack Obama hosted African leaders in 2014.

The gathering in the American capital aims to advance shared priorities and foster stronger ties between the United States and Africa. It will also provide an opportunity to advance the Biden administration’s focus on trade and investment in Africa, highlight America’s commitment to Africa’s security, its democratic development, and its people, as well as emphasize the depth and breadth of the United States’ commitment to the African continent.

The Biden administration has said that the Summit “will demonstrate the United States’ enduring commitment to Africa, and will underscore the importance of U.S.-Africa relations and increased cooperation on shared global priorities.”

“Africa will shape the future — not just the future of the African people, but of the world. Africa will make the difference in tackling the most urgent challenges and seizing the opportunities we all face,” the administration added.

President Biden has held several other summits since he was inaugurated in January 2021. On December 9-10, 2021, President Biden held the first of two Summits for Democracy, which brought together leaders from government, civil society, and the private sector in a shared effort to set forth “an affirmative agenda for democratic renewal and to tackle the greatest threats faced by democracies today through collective action.”

The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit comes just months after Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken unveiled the new U.S. policy for Africa in South Africa last August.

The new policy says that the United States will pursue four main objectives in Africa. The four objectives in the new strategy are fostering openness and open societies, delivering democratic and security dividends, advancing pandemic recovery and economic opportunities, and supporting conservation, climate adaptation and a just energy transition.

To realize its ‘openness and open societies’ objective, the U.S. will promote government transparency and accountability, increase the U.S. focus on the rule of law, justice, and dignity, and assist African countries to more transparently leverage their natural resources for sustainable development.

For democracy and security dividends, the U.S. will focus on “working with allies and regional partners to stem the recent tide of authoritarianism and military takeovers, backing civil society, empowering marginalized groups, centering the voices of women and youth, and defending free and fair elections, improving the capacity of African partners to advance regional stability and security and reducing the threat from terrorist groups to the U.S. Homeland, persons, and diplomatic and military facilities.”

To advance the pandemic recovery and economic opportunities for Africa, the U.S. will focus on “prioritizing policies and programs to end the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic and build capacities to increase preparedness for the next health threat, supporting manufacturing initiatives for vaccines and other medical countermeasures, Promoting a stronger growth trajectory and debt sustainability to support the region’s economic recovery, including through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), Prosper Africa, Power Africa, Feed the Future, and a new initiative for digital transformation and partnering with African countries to rebuild human capital and food systems that were further weakened by the pandemic and Russia’s war against Ukraine.

And to advance the conversation with Africans, climate adaptation and a just energy transition, the U.S. will focus on “partnering with governments, civil society, and local communities to conserve, manage, and restore the continent’s rich natural ecosystems, supporting countries in their efforts to minimize and adapt to the impacts of a changing climate, including enhancing community, economic, and supply chain resilience, working closely with countries to accelerate their just transitions to a clean energy future, energy access, and energy security, and pursuing public-private partnerships to sustainably develop and secure the critical minerals that will supply clean energy technologies.”

The new strategy begins by acknowledging that “Sub-Saharan Africa plays a critical role in advancing global priorities to the benefit of Africans and Americans,” and that it “has one of the world’s fastest growing populations, largest free trade areas, most diverse ecosystems, and one of the largest regional voting groups in the United Nations (UN).”

It asserts that “It is impossible to meet today’s defining challenges without African contributions and leadership,” especially because “the region will factor prominently in efforts to: end the COVID-19 pandemic; tackle the climate crisis; reverse the global tide of democratic backsliding; address global food insecurity; promote gender equity and equality; strengthen an open and stable international system; shape the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber, and emerging technologies; and confront the threat of terrorism, conflict, and transnational crime.”

“Building on the Biden-Harris Administration’s actions and commitments to deepen our engagement and partnerships in Africa during the past year, the strategy articulates our new vision for a 21st Century U.S.-African Partnership. It recognizes the tremendous, positive opportunities that exist to advance shared interests alongside our African partners,” it says. “At the same time, we acknowledge that Africa’s potential will continue to be challenged as long as deadly conflicts divide societies, corruption impedes economic progress, food insecurity heightens the risk of famine and malnutrition, and repression stifles human rights and democratic expression.”

The new strategy acknowledges that as President Biden noted in his address to the African Union last year, “none of this is going to be easy but the United States stands ready now to be your partner, in solidarity, support, and mutual respect.”

 
https://zehabesha.com/biden-did-not-invite-embattled-ethiopian-prime-minister-abiy-ahmed-to-the-us-africa-leaders-summit/

Biden did not invite embattled Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to the US-Africa Leaders’ Summit

Rather invitation was sent to the ceremonial president Sahle-Work Zewde




President Joseph R. Biden Jr. did not invite the embattled Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed Ali to the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit taking place in Washington D.C. December 13-15. Rather, the invitation was extended to the country’s ceremonial President, Sahle-Work Zewde.

Tigrayans who blame Abiy for the two-year war and the hundreds of thousands of deaths in Tigray and elsewhere would have greeted him with protests in Washington, although many other Ethiopians have put the blame squarely on the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

On November 22, United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Abiy on the phone and both leaders discussed efforts to bring about lasting peace in northern Ethiopia.

State Department spokesperson Ned Price said that during their phone call, Secretary Blinken “underscored the importance of immediately implementing the cessation of hostilities agreement, including withdrawal of all foreign forces and concurrent disarmament of the Tigrayan forces.”

“Secretary Blinken recognized ongoing efforts by the Ethiopian government to work towards unhindered humanitarian assistance and restoration of basic services in the Tigray Region as well as in the neighboring Afar and Amhara Regions,” Price said. “He noted that the United States remains committed to supporting the African Union-led process, including the AU monitoring and verification mechanism.”

While the decision not to invite Abiy Ahmed may be very controversial, the snub comes as Amnesty International on Thursday criticized the November 2 peace accord signed in South Africa by the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) over war crimes in Tigray and elsewhere.

The human rights organization said that the agreement “fails to offer a clear roadmap on how to ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and overlooks rampant impunity in the country, which could lead to violations being repeated.”

It called on the African Union to “put pressure” on the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali to fully cooperate with local and international human rights experts.

“The African Union must urgently pressure the Ethiopian government to fully cooperate with both regional and international investigative mechanisms on human rights to ensure justice for victims and survivors of violations — especially sexual violence,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn of Africa, and the Great Lakes Region.

“The Ethiopian authorities must urgently allow unfettered access to the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) and the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights to enable investigations to take place, and ultimately to ensure those responsible for atrocities in Ethiopia’s two-year conflict face justice,” added Mwangovya.

In an opinion piece, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo acknowledged that although the peace deal was not perfect, implementation should go ahead for peace to return to Ethiopia.

“Any pessimist can dig holes in the agreement, undermine it and try to prevent it from being implemented. But no agreement between two belligerents for peace will ever be regarded as perfect by all because it must, necessarily, be based on compromise,” Obasanjo wrote.

He added, “We can, however, strive for perfection in the implementation of the agreement in order to achieve the objectives of peace, security, constitutionality, stability, welfare and well-being, development, and progress of all concerned, especially the ordinary people of Ethiopia no matter where they live.

“The agreement must be implemented in good faith, on the basis of peace with honor and dignity, constitutionality and stability.  Peace deals function on building trust, and that trust has to be nurtured, layered and reinforced from inside and outside.

“All leaders of Ethiopia and all Ethiopians with their neighbors, partners and friends must join hands and accept the truth that there is ‘no victor, no vanquished’ if the possibility of peace, common security and shared prosperity, development and progress for all concerned is to be realized.

“The peace agreement and its implementation must be owned by the leaders and people of Ethiopia. The panel and the observers are mere facilitators, there to provide a guiding hand if needed.”

Who else will attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ summit?


President Cyril Ramaphosa meeting with President Joseph Biden of the United States if America, at the White House Oval Office in Washington DC during President Ramaphosa’s working visit in the US. 16/09/2022; photo byline:Yandisa Monakali


Special Assistant to President Biden and National Security Council Senior Advisor for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, Dana Banks, told reporters during a news conference on November 22 that Mr. Biden invited 49 African heads of state, excluding those from Burkina Faso, Guinea, Sudan, and Mali, four countries currently suspended by the African Union. He also invited the chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat.

All the four countries not invited by President Biden are currently run by strong men who took power by the guns.

As of Wednesday, forty-five African heads of state and government had confirmed attendance to the U.S. Africa Leaders’ Summit. The White House has not released information about those who have confirmed attendance and those who have not.

Such information is often released days to the event as there does not seem to be a deadline for reservation.

Banks and U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, who briefed reporters on Tuesday during a teleconference about the upcoming U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit’s agenda said the event is meant to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations and highlight the U.S. commitment to the African continent.

Last week, the White House National Security Council disclosed to Today News Africa the process President Joseph R. Biden Jr. used to invite African governments to attend the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit.

In an email to Today News Africa, a White House National Security Council spokesperson said that President Biden used three criteria to invite African governments to the Summit.

“President Biden invited all sub-Saharan and North African governments that 1) have not been suspended by the African Union, 2) of states the U.S. Government recognizes, and 3) of states with which we exchange Ambassadors,” the official said.

The official added that “President Biden looks forward to hosting leaders from across the African continent,” adding that “Our goal is to host a broadly inclusive Summit.”

Several African countries have been sanctioned by the African Union as a result of coups and counter coups, especially in West Africa where democracy has been tested in recent months, with coups and coup attempts in Burkina Faso, Mali and elsewhere. The United States on its part recognizes most African nations, except a few like Western Sahara.

What’s the full agenda of the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit?

At their press briefing on Tuesday, November 22, U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs, Robert Scott, laid out the full agenda for the three days of the conference.

He said, “The first day is our widest aperture day.  We’re having a series of forums – an African and Diaspora Young Leaders forum; a civil society forum; a peace, security, and governance forum.  There will be discussions on climate as well as on health.

“The second day is dedicated to the U.S.-Africa Business Forum, and a full day of opportunities for African and U.S. businesses to come together and to meet with delegations from the continent.

“And the third day is the leaders day, obviously, with President Biden and heads of delegation, heads of state from the continent involved.

“Let me just focus a little bit on the first day.  I think what we’re seeing here is an opportunity to have as many players as possible involved in the discussion.  One of the events which I think is extremely interesting and important, and one that has generated some interest I’ve seen from your questions online, is the African and Diaspora Young Leaders Forum.  And let me go through that quickly.

“As you know, the African Union has identified the African diaspora as the sixth region of the African Union.  And we also see the diaspora as a huge resource and opportunity for engagement here.  So this event on the first day will bring together youth leaders, civil society, political actors, creatives, and folks involved in climate and other areas.  I think what we’re seeing is a lot of interest in the event.  Let me just point out that one of the areas – there’ll be a breakout session on education, a breakout session on creatives, and a breakout session on climate and energy.

“The one that I’d just focus on quickly is on creatives.  As you know, the creative industry is becoming a more and more important part of GDP on the continent and here in the United States.  And bringing actors from the continent together with their counterparts here in the U.S. is a wonderful opportunity to synergize and to get these groups working together and collaborating on music, on fashion, on culture.  And that’s a huge outcome that we see from that event.

“The second one, real quickly, is the civil society forum.  Again, we’re fully aware of the fact that the – we call it the megaphone of governance – isn’t just that held by governments, but rather by civil society actors, NGOs.  A lot of voices are involved in that.  And this event will allow policymakers to come together with members from labor, from civil society, in order to talk about how do you strengthen institutions and reduce corruption, an important support also for the AU’s Agenda 2063.

“Finally, let me wrap by just mentioning the peace, security, and governance forum.  The idea here is again to look at the linkages between democratic institutions and governance and how they impact long-term peace and prosperity.  We will see our secretaries of State and Defense and administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development coming together with a set of African leaders to talk about these inter-linkages.”

The Summit, only the second of such event of its kind in Washington D.C., will be the biggest U.S.-Africa engagement in Washington D.C. since former President Barack Obama hosted African leaders in 2014.

The gathering in the American capital aims to advance shared priorities and foster stronger ties between the United States and Africa. It will also provide an opportunity to advance the Biden administration’s focus on trade and investment in Africa, highlight America’s commitment to Africa’s security, its democratic development, and its people, as well as emphasize the depth and breadth of the United States’ commitment to the African continent.

The Biden administration has said that the Summit “will demonstrate the United States’ enduring commitment to Africa, and will underscore the importance of U.S.-Africa relations and increased cooperation on shared global priorities.”

“Africa will shape the future — not just the future of the African people, but of the world. Africa will make the difference in tackling the most urgent challenges and seizing the opportunities we all face,” the administration added.

President Biden has held several other summits since he was inaugurated in January 2021. On December 9-10, 2021, President Biden held the first of two Summits for Democracy, which brought together leaders from government, civil society, and the private sector in a shared effort to set forth “an affirmative agenda for democratic renewal and to tackle the greatest threats faced by democracies today through collective action.”

The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit comes just months after Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken unveiled the new U.S. policy for Africa in South Africa last August.

The new policy says that the United States will pursue four main objectives in Africa. The four objectives in the new strategy are fostering openness and open societies, delivering democratic and security dividends, advancing pandemic recovery and economic opportunities, and supporting conservation, climate adaptation and a just energy transition.

To realize its ‘openness and open societies’ objective, the U.S. will promote government transparency and accountability, increase the U.S. focus on the rule of law, justice, and dignity, and assist African countries to more transparently leverage their natural resources for sustainable development.

For democracy and security dividends, the U.S. will focus on “working with allies and regional partners to stem the recent tide of authoritarianism and military takeovers, backing civil society, empowering marginalized groups, centering the voices of women and youth, and defending free and fair elections, improving the capacity of African partners to advance regional stability and security and reducing the threat from terrorist groups to the U.S. Homeland, persons, and diplomatic and military facilities.”

To advance the pandemic recovery and economic opportunities for Africa, the U.S. will focus on “prioritizing policies and programs to end the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic and build capacities to increase preparedness for the next health threat, supporting manufacturing initiatives for vaccines and other medical countermeasures, Promoting a stronger growth trajectory and debt sustainability to support the region’s economic recovery, including through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), Prosper Africa, Power Africa, Feed the Future, and a new initiative for digital transformation and partnering with African countries to rebuild human capital and food systems that were further weakened by the pandemic and Russia’s war against Ukraine.

And to advance the conversation with Africans, climate adaptation and a just energy transition, the U.S. will focus on “partnering with governments, civil society, and local communities to conserve, manage, and restore the continent’s rich natural ecosystems, supporting countries in their efforts to minimize and adapt to the impacts of a changing climate, including enhancing community, economic, and supply chain resilience, working closely with countries to accelerate their just transitions to a clean energy future, energy access, and energy security, and pursuing public-private partnerships to sustainably develop and secure the critical minerals that will supply clean energy technologies.”

The new strategy begins by acknowledging that “Sub-Saharan Africa plays a critical role in advancing global priorities to the benefit of Africans and Americans,” and that it “has one of the world’s fastest growing populations, largest free trade areas, most diverse ecosystems, and one of the largest regional voting groups in the United Nations (UN).”

It asserts that “It is impossible to meet today’s defining challenges without African contributions and leadership,” especially because “the region will factor prominently in efforts to: end the COVID-19 pandemic; tackle the climate crisis; reverse the global tide of democratic backsliding; address global food insecurity; promote gender equity and equality; strengthen an open and stable international system; shape the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber, and emerging technologies; and confront the threat of terrorism, conflict, and transnational crime.”

“Building on the Biden-Harris Administration’s actions and commitments to deepen our engagement and partnerships in Africa during the past year, the strategy articulates our new vision for a 21st Century U.S.-African Partnership. It recognizes the tremendous, positive opportunities that exist to advance shared interests alongside our African partners,” it says. “At the same time, we acknowledge that Africa’s potential will continue to be challenged as long as deadly conflicts divide societies, corruption impedes economic progress, food insecurity heightens the risk of famine and malnutrition, and repression stifles human rights and democratic expression.”

The new strategy acknowledges that as President Biden noted in his address to the African Union last year, “none of this is going to be easy but the United States stands ready now to be your partner, in solidarity, support, and mutual respect.”

News Africa

 
https://zehabesha.com/biden-did-not-invite-embattled-ethiopian-prime-minister-abiy-ahmed-to-the-us-africa-leaders-summit/

November 27, 2022

ጠገናው ጎሹ

 

ባለፈው ሰሞን ልዩ ልዩ ማህበራዊ ሚዲያዎችን በመጎብኘት ላይ እያለሁ አንድ ትኩረቴን የሳበ የቪዲዮ ቅንብር አየሁና በጥሞና ተመለከትኩት።

ለኢንፎርሜሽን ቴክኖሎጅ ምሥጋና ይግባውና በዚህ የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ዘመን አንድን ርዕሰ ጉዳይ ድራማዊ (dramatized) አድርጎ ማቅረብ የተለመደ በመሆኑ ቅንብሩ አላስደመመኝም።

የአንድን ጉዳይ ምንነት ፣ ለምንነትና እንዴትነት የተሟላ የሚያደርገው ቅርፁና ይዘቱ ሲጣጣሙ ነውና ከእይታ ቀጥሎ በትኩረት (በጥሞና) ለመረዳት የሞከርኩት ስለ ይዘቱ  ነበር። ዋነኛ ይዘቱ (መልእክቱ) ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ላለው ትውልድ የሚገደንን ያህል በአሜሪካን አገር ለሚኖረው ዳያስፓራ ትውልድም ሊገደን ይገባልና እጅግ ሰፊ በሆነ ቦታ ላይ ለሚገነባው ትልቅና ባለ ብዙ ዘርፍ ገዳማዊ ካምፓስ በብዙ ሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠር ዶላር በአስቸኳይ ማግኘት አለብን የሚል መሆኑን የተረዳሁት በተደበላለቀ ስሜት ነበር።

አዎ! በእውነት ስለ እውነት መነጋገር ካለብን በአንድ በኩል በእኩያን ገዥ ቡድኖች ፣ በአድርባይ ግብረበላዎችና እንዲሁም የተሰጣቸውን መንፈሳዊ ሃላፊነት በሚመጥን ሁኔታ ለመወጣት በተሳናቸው የሃይማኖት መሪዎችና ሰባኪዎች ልክ የለሽ ደካማነት ምክንያት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሆነውንና እየሆነ ያለውን ግዙፍና መሪር ሃቅ እና  በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ችግሮች የመኖራቸው እውነትነት እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ በታሰበው ገዳማዊ ቦታ ላይ ሊገነቡ የታሰቡትን ተቋማት ጨምሮ ሌሎች መሠረታዊ አገልግሎቶች ተሟልተው በሚገኙበት አሜሪካ የሚኖረው  ዳያስፖራ ጉዳይ እኩል አሳሳቢ እንደሆነ አድርጎ  ለማነፃፀር የተሞከረበት ማብራሪያ እጅግ ፈታኝ የሆነ ድብልቅልቅ ስሜትን ይፈጥራል።

የገዛ ራሳችንን ግዙፍና መሪር እውነታ መጋፈጥ ሲሳነን የሰበብ ድሪቶ መደረቱን ስለምንወድ ነው እንጅ የዚህ ዘመቻ ወቅታዊነት (የቅድሚያ ቅድሚ ትኩረት አገናዛቢነት) ፣ ቅንናነት ፣ ሞራላዊ ክብደትና ሚዛናዊነት ለዘመናት የዘለቀውና ከአራት ዓመታት ወዲህ ደግሞ ለመግለፅ በሚያስቸግር አኳኋን አስከፊና አስፈሪ ሆኖ የቀጠለው የሸፍጠኞችና የጨካኞች ሥርዓት  እያስከተለ ካለው አጠቃላይና የሆነ ቀውስና ወድመት አንፃር ሲፈተሽ በእጅጉ አጠያያቂ ነው ።

ኮሜዲያን እሸቱ ዶንኪ ቲዩብ (donkey tube) ብሎ በሰየመው ማህበራዊ ሚዲያው ተቀነባብሮ (dramatized) ተደርጎ በቀረበው ቪዲዮ መግቢያ ላይ በአንድ የሃይማኖት አባት ብርቱ ለሆነ በጎ ሥራ እንደሚፈለግ የሚያሰተጋባ ድምፅ እንሰማለን ። ቀሳውስቱም እሸቱን በሥርዓት አጅበው ክፍት ሆኖ ይጠብቅ ከነበረው የቤተ ክርስቲያን በር ድረስ ካደረሱት በኋላ “በል ሂድ እንግዲህ” ብለውት ይመለሳሉ።

እርሱም የሥርዓቱን አለባበስና አቀራረብ በጠበቀ ሁኔታ ይፈልጉሃል ወደ ተባሉት የሃይማኖት አባት ሲጠጋ ሲፈለጉት የት እንደጠፋ ከጠየቁትና እርሱም መልስ ከሰጠ በኋላ "አንተ አሜሪካ ያለው ትውልድ አይገድህምን? እዚህ ያለው ብቻ ነው የሚገድህን?" የሚሉ ጥያቄዎችን ሲጠይቁት "ኧረ ይገደኛል" ሲል ይመልሳል።  እነዚህ ጥያቄዎችና መልሶቻቸው የፕሮግራሙን  ዓላማና ግብ ግልፅ አደረጉልኝና በጥሞና መከታተሌን ቀጠልኩ። በአሜሪካ (የካሊፎርኒያ ግዛት) የአዲስ የአበባን ግማሽ በሚሆን ቦታ ላይ ታሪካዊነት ያለውና ዘርፈ ብዙ አገልግሎት የሚሰጥ "ገዳማዊ ማዕከል" ለመመሥረት  ፕሮጀክት እንደተነደፈና ለዚህም እውን መሆን በብዙ ሚሎዮኖች የሚቆጠር ዶላር በአስቸኳይ እንደሚያስፈልግ የሚገልፅ የዘመቻ ቅንብር መሆኑን ተገነዘብኩ።

ዘመቻው በመሠረተ ሃሳብና በመርህ ደረጃ ሸጋ መሆኑን ለመቀበል ፈፅሞ አይከብድሞ።

እንዲህ አይነት ዘመቻ የተደረገው (የሚደረገው) ማነኛውም አገር ሊያጋጥሙት የሚችሉና  በቀላሉ ሊፈቱ (ሊወገዱ) የሚችሉ ችግሮች ያጋጠማትና እያጋጠማት ያለች አገር ሰዎች ቢሆን ኖሮ እሰይ (ይበል) የሚያሰኝ  እንጅ ጥያቄ የሚያስነሳ ባልሆነ ነበር ።  ዘመቻው መከረኛው የአገሬ ህዝብ እኩያን ገዥ ቡድኖችንና ግብረ በላዎቻቸውን በጋራ ትግል አስወግዶ የምትበጀውን ዴሞክራሲያዊት አገር እውን እንዲያደርግ የሚስችለው የፖለቲካ ሃይል እና ለዚሁ እውን መሆን የመንፈስ ብርታት (አይበገሬነት) እንዳይለየው ተገቢውን እገዛ የሚያደርግለት የሃይማኖት መሪ በተገቢው ሁኔታ ለማግኘት ባለመቻሉ ምክንያት የገዛ አገሩና ቀየው ምድረ ሲኦል በሆነበት ወቅትና ሁኔታ ውስጥ እንዲህ አይነት የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን የሳተ ዘመቻ ምነው ምኑ ነካን? የሚል ብርቱ ጥያቄ ማስነሳቱ የማይጠበቅ አይደለም።ለዚህ አይነት ዘመቻ የፈጣሪን ፈቃድኝነትና ፍላጎት መፈናፈኛ እንደሌለው መከራከሪያና ማሳመኛ በማነብነብ ጥያቄ የሚያነሳን ሰው ሁሉ "ውጉዝ ከመ አርዮስ" ማለት የሚቃጣቸውና ዝም ለማሰኘት የሚሞክሩ ወገኖች እንደሚኖሩ እገምታለሁ። ለእነዚህ ወገኖች ያለኝ መልስ የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ መከራና ውርደት ከማንም በላይ የሚያውቅ እውነተኛ አምላክ እንዲህ አይነቱን የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን የሳተ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ የሚወድ እውነተኛ የለም የሚል ነው።

አለመታደል ወይም የፈጣሪ ቁጣ ሆኖብን ሳይሆን በገዛ ራሳችን እጅግ ልክ የለሽ የአስተሳሰብና የተግባር ውድቀት ምክንያት የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን በእጅጉ የሚሹ (ግድ የሚሉ) እጅግ በርካታና አንገብጋቢ ጉዳዮች የሚርመሰመሱባት አገር ሰዎች ሆነን በቀጠልንበት በዚህ እጅግ አስቸጋሪና አስፈሪ ወቅት በአንፃራዊነት አብዛኛው መሠረታዊ አገልግሎት በተሟላበት የባህር ማዶ አገር (አሜሪካ) ለሚኖሩ ወገኖች “ታሪካዊ ፕሮጀክት ነድፈናልና (አስነድፈናልና) ርብርብ በማድረግ የበረከቱ ተሳታፊ ትሆኑ ዘንድ በፈጣሪ ስም እንጠይቃለን” የሚለውን ጥሪ ያለ ጥያቄ ወይም በዝምታ ወይም በምን አገባኝነት ወይም ባስመሳይነት ለማለፍ መሞከር በእጅጉ የተዛባ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ ነው።

አዎ! ዘመቻውን በበጎ ራዕይነትና በመርህ ደረጃ ለመቀበል የሚያስቸግር ባይሆንም እጅግ ብልሹና ጨካኝ በሆኑ የጎሳ አጥንት ስሌት ፖለቲከኞች ምክንያት ለንፁሃን ልጆቿ ምድረ ገሃንም (ሲኦል) እንድትሆን የተፈረደባት እናት ምድር ሰዎች ሆነን ባለንበት በዚህ እጅግ አስከፊ ወቅት ባህር ማዶ ታሪካዊ ለሚሰኝ ገዳማዊ ማእከል ግንባታ በሰዓታት ውስጥ ብዙ ሚሊዮን ዶላር ካላዋጣችሁ የሚል ዘመቻ መክፈት ምነው ምን ነካን? ያሰኝ እንደሆነ እንጅ የብልህነት (የአዋቂነት) እና የፅድቅ መንገድ ከቶ ሊሆን አይችልም። በዚህ እጅግ የተዛባ አስተሳሰባችንና አካሄዳችን የሚደሰት እውነተኛ አምላክም የለም።

ለብዙ ዘመናት ከመጣንበትና ከአራት ዓመታት ወዲህ ደግሞ ከሆነውና እየሆነ ካለው ለመግለፅ በእጅጉ የሚያስቸግር አገራዊ መከራና ውርደት አንፃር የሃይማኖታዊ እምነት  መሪዎችና ሰባኪዎች ምን ያህል ጥረት አደረጉ? የሚለውን ጥያቄ ትርጉም በሚሰጥ አኳኋን ለመመለስ ባልቻልንበት በዚህ እጅግ ፈታኝ ወቅትና ሁኔታ ውስጥ እንዲህ አይነት ግዙፍ (grandiose) ለሆነ የባህር ማዶ ገዳማዊ ማእከል የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ሰጥቶ በብዙ ሚሊዮኖች የሚገመት ዶላር ሲሆን አሁንኑ ካልሆነም በየትኛውም ጊዜ ለግሱ የሚል ዘመቻ እንኳንስ ከሃይማኖታዊ እምነት መሪዎች ሚዛናዊ ህሊና ካለውና እውነተኛ የአገር ውስጥ ነፃነትና ፍትህ ፈላጊ የአገሬ ሰው የሚጠበቅ አይመስለኝም።

የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን ያላገናዘበ ራዕይና ዓላማ ልክ የለሽ የሆነ የግል ወይም የቡድን ታሪካዊ አሻራ ከማሳረፍ ፍላጎትና ጥቅም ፈፅሞ አያልፍም። በፖለቲካችንም ያጋጠመንና እያጋጠመን ያለው ግዙፍና መሪር እውነትም ይኸው ነው። እየሠራን የማፈራረሳችንና እየተሰባሰብን የመበታተናችን እጅግ ከባድ አባዜ የሚመነጨውም አሻራ ማስቀመጥን ጨምሮ ከዚሁ የግልና የቡድን ዝና፣ ፍላጎትና ጥቅም ፈላጊነት ክፉ አባዜ ነው። 

ለዘመናት ከዓለም ለጋሽ አገሮችና ድርጅቶች ተመፅዋችነት ለመውጣት ካለመቻላችንም በላይ ሸፍጠኛና ጨካኝ የኢህአዴግ አንጃዎች በቀሰቀሱት የእርስ በርስ ጦርነት ምክንያት የሚሊዮኖች ንፁሃን ህይወት ትርጉም ባጣበትና አጠቃላይ አገራዊ ውድመት በደረሰበት በዚህ እጅግ ፈታኝ ወቅት ለእንዲህ አይነት እጅግ ለገዘፈ የባህር ማዶ ገዳማዊ ማእከል በብዙ ሚሊዮን የሚገመት ዶላር “ከሰጣችሁ ትፀድቃላችሁ” ማለት ምን የሚሉት ፅድቅ እንደሆነ እንኳን ለማመን ለመገመትም የሚቻል አይመስለኝም።

እዚያው አገራችን በምንለው ምድር ላይ የሚኖር ወገን (ህዝብ) የርሃብ ጠኔ ሰለባ በሆነበት ፣ በብርድ አለንጋ ክፉኛ እየተመታ ባለበት፣ የህመም ስቃይ ቁራኛ በሆነበት፣  በድንቁርና ጨለማ ውስጥ እየዳከረ ባለበት፣ የነገ ፍሬዎች የምንላቸው ህፃናትና ወጣቶች ፊደል የሚቆጥሩበት የጭቃ ጎጆ እንኳን ተነፍጎቸው እጣ ፈንታቸው በተበላሸበት፣ ቤት እምነቶችና ምእምናን በጥፋት ሃይሎች ከምድረ ገፅ እንዲጠፉ እየተደረጉ ባሉበት፣በስመ ባህታዊነትና አጥማቂነት የተሠማሩ መሠሪዎች በየቦታው በገዳምና በቤተ ክርስቲያን ስም ባቋቋሟቸው ማእከላት የፈጣሪን ስም በቀሚስ ፣በካባና በቆብ ለተሸፈነው ዓለማዊ ፍላጎታቸው (ጥቅማቸው)  እያዋሉ የመሆናቸው መሪር ሃቅ ከመቸውም ጊዜ በበለጠ ተባብሶ በቀጠለበት ፣ ከግፍ ግድያ የተረፉ በብዙ ሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠሩ ንፁሃን ከገዛ ቀያቸው ተነቅለው የሚያፅናናቸው አጥተው የሰውና የወገን  ያለህ በሚሉበት እና በግፍ የተገደለ አስከሬን የገዛ አገሩን አፈር እንዳይለብስ በሚደረግበት ግዙፍና መሪር ሁኔታ ውስጥ “በባህር ማዶ ታሪካዊ የሆነ ገዳማዊ ማእከል መሥረተን ታሪካዊ አሻራችንን እናሳርፋለን” የሚል ዘመቻን ያለምንም ጥያቄ ማለፍ ፈፅሞ ትክክል ሊሆን አይችልም።

ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ተብየው “የገዛ አገራቸውና ቀያቸው ምድረ ሲኦል የሆኑባቸውንና እየሆኑባቸው ያሉትን ንፁሃን ወገኖች ጉዳይ እንዳልተፈጠረ እየቆጠርክ ለምንና እንዴት በመናፈሻና በችግኝ ተከላ ላይ ተጠመድክ?” ተብሎ ሲጠየቅ “ለእነርሱው ሙት አካል (ሬሳ) ማረፊያ ጥላ የሚሆናቸው ችግኝ እየተከልኩላቸው ነው” የሚል እጅግ አረመኔያዊ የፖለቲካ ስላቅ ሲሳለቅ ከምር ያልተቆጣና በግልፅና በቀጥታ ወጥቶ ነውር ነው ለማለት ያልደፈረ የሃይማኖት መሪ (አባት)  መከረኛው ህዝብ በዚሁ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርና በባልደረቦቹ የብልግና እና የጨካኔ ፖለቲካ ጨዋታ ምክንያት እጅግ ግዙፍና መሪር የግፍ ፅዋ እየተጋተ ባለበት በዚህ እጅግ ፈታኝ ወቅትም “ታሪካዊ ለሆነው የባህር ማዶ ገዳማዊ ማእከል በፍጥነትና በአጥጋቢ ሁኔታ ብትለግሱ በረከቱ ለእናንተ ነው” ሲል ለምንና እንዴት ብሎ አለመጠየቅ ፈጣሪ ለታላቅ ዓላማ የሠራውን ረቂቅ አእምሮ ያለመጠቀም ድንቁርና ነው የሚሆነው።

በእንዲህ አይነት እጅግ ለስሜት ቅርብ በሆኑ (sensitive & sensational) ርዕሰ ጉዳዮች ላይ ሂሳዊ አስተያየት መሰንዘር ቁጥሩ ቀላል ለማይሆን ወገኔ የሃጢአቶች ሁሉ ሃጢአት መስሎ ሊሰማውና የውግዘት ናዳ ለማውረድ ሊቃጣው እንደሚችል በሚገባ እረዳለሁ።

የአገራችን ባህልና ወግ በተለይ የሃይማኖት መሪዎችን፣ ልሂቃንን ፣ አስተማሪዎችንና ባለ ሌላ ማእረግ አገልጋዮችን አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ ግልፅነትን በተላበሰ ፣ ቀጥተኛ በሆነ እና አግባብነት ባለው አስተያየት ለመተቸት ፈፅሞ የሚያመች ወይም የሚፈቅድ እንዳልሆንም በሚገባ እገነዘባለሁ።

ይህን አስተያየቴን ባለንበት ተቸክለን (የገዛ ውድቀታችን ላስከተለብን መከራና ውርደት ሰንካላ ሰበብ ከመደርደር እና ፈጣሪን ና ውረድ ከማለት ያለፈ ሥራ ሳንሠራ) ፍስሃ (ሃሴት/ደስታ) የሞላበት ዓለማዊና ሰማያዊ ህይወት ለመናፈቃችን ደካማ ልማድ በሚመች አቀራረብ ልግልፀው ብችል ኖሮ ደስ ባለኝ ነበር። ይህ ግን ለዘመናት የመጣንበትና ከአዙሪቱ ወጣን ስንል መልሰን አዙሪቱ ውስጥ እየተዘፈቅን የሸፍጠኛና ሴረኛ ገዥ ቡድኖች ብቻ ሳይሆን ለመስወዕትነት በሚያደርስ ደረጃም ቢሆን ሃይማኖታዊ ተልእኳቸውንና ሃላፊነታቸውን ለመወጣት የተሳናቸው ወገኖች ሰለባዎች ያደረገን በመሆኑ አላደረግሁትም። አላደርገውምም።

ሃይማኖታዊውና ባህላዊው ምንነታችንና ማንነታችን መሠረታዊ አመጣጡንና እሴትነቱን ሳይስት ለዚህ ዘመን ትውልድ ተገቢውንና ገንቢውን ግንዛቤ በሚያስጨብጥ አቀራረብ እና ተግባራዊ በሆነ አርአያነት ለማገዝ እልህ አስጨራሽ የጋራ ጥረት ከማድረግ ይልቅ ሁለት  ወይም ከዚያ በላይ የሆኑና ፈፅሞ ለማነፃፀር የሚያስቸግሩ ሁኔታዎችን እያወዳደሩ በእኩል ደረጃ ያሳስቡኛል (ያሳስቡናል) በሚል ሁለቱንም በአንድ ጊዜ ተፈፃሚ ካላደረግሁ (ካላደረግን) ሞቼ እገኛለሁ/ሞተን እንገኛለን ማለት እንኳንስ ለሃይማኖት መሪና አስተማሪ ለማነኛውም አስተዋይና ሚዛናዊ ህሊና ላለው የአገሬ ሰው ጨርሶ አይመጥንም።

አዎ! በመሠረተ ሃሳብ ደረጃ ሰፊና ዘርፈ ብዙ አገልግሎት የሚሰጥ ገዳማዊ ማዕከል መመሥረትን የሚቃወም ባለ ጤናማ ህሊና የአገሬ ሰው የሚኖር አይመስለኝም።

ለዘመናት በዘለቀውና ከአራት ዓመታት ወዲህ ደግሞ እንኳን ለማየትና ለመስማት ለማሰብም በሚከብድ ሁኔታ በቀጠለው የጎሳ አጥንት ስሌት ፖለቲካ ነጋዴዎች (ቁማርተኞች) ምክንያት የገዛ አገሩ ምድረ ሲኦል የሆነችበትን መከረኛ ህዝብ በአሜሪካ ከሚኖረው ዳያስፖራ ጋር እያነፃፀሩ “ይህንና ያንን ያህል ሚሊዮን ዶላር በዚህን ያህል ሰዓት ካልሞላችሁ አንላቀቅም “ የሚል አይነት ዘመቻ በተለይ ከሃይማኖት መሪዎችና ሰባኪዎች መስማትና ማየት ግን እውን እንዲህ አይነት ኢሚዛናዊ የሆነ (የቅድሚ ያቅድሚያ ትኩረትን ፈፅሞ የሳተ) አስተሳሰብንና አካሄድን ፈቅዶና ባርኮ የሚቀበል እውነተኛ አምላክ አለን? የሚል እጅግ ከባድና መሪር ጥያቄ ያጭራል።

እጅግ አብዛኛው ፊደል የቆጠርኩ ምእመን (አማኝ) ነኝ የሚለው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል የራሱን የመረዳት አቅም፣ መርህና የእምነት ማንነትና እንዴትነት ለአላስፈላጊ ትህትና (ይሉኝታ) አሳልፎ በመስጠት በአገር ውስጥ ከሆነውና እየሆነ ካለው ለመግለፅ የሚያስቸግር እጅግ ግዙፍና መሪር መከራና ውርደት አንፃር ሲገመገሙ ጊዜን፣ ሁኔታን፣ የሰው ሃይል መጠንና አይነትን ፣ የፋይናንስ አቅምን ወይም ባጠቃላይ የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን በእጅጉ የሳቱ አስተሳሰቦችና አካሄዶች በተለይ የሃይማኖት አባትቶች (መሪዎች) ነን በሚሉ ወገኖች እጅግ ድራማዊ (dramatized) በሆነ ዘመቻ ሲስተጋቡ በዚህ ልክ ለምንና እንዴት አስተሳሰባችን ሚዛኑን ሊስት ቻለ? ከየትስ ወደ የት ነው እየነጎድን ያለነው? ብሎ ለመጠየቅ የሞራል አቅም ማጣቱ በእጅጉ አሳፋሪና አስፈሪ ነው።

የሃይማኖታዊ እምነት መሪና አስተማሪ ሊከበርና ሊበረታታ የሚገባው የተሰጠውን የሰማያዊ ዓለም ሃላፊነት ተገቢ በሆነና ሚዛኑን በጠበቀ ምሳሌነት እንጅ በተሸከመው የማእረግ ስም ምክንያት ሊሆን አይደለም ። ማንም ምንም አይነት ማእረግና ሥልጣን ይኑረው አውቆም ሆነ ሳያውቅ ግልፅና የማይታለፍ ስህተት ሲሠራ አግባብነት ባለው፣ በግል ሰብእና ላይ በማያተኩር ፣ እውነትነትን በተላበሰ እና ገንቢነት ባለው አቀራረብ ልክ አይደለም መባል ይኖርበታል።  እውነተኛው አምላክ የሚወደውም ይህንኑ ነው።

እንደዚህ ሆነንና አድርገን ካልተገኘን ሃይማኖታዊና ተያያዥ እሴቶቻችን በስመ የሃይማኖት መሪነት፣ ልሂቅነትና ሰባኪነት ከዓለማዊው የፖለቲካ ነጋዴዎች ባልተናነሰ ለመመለስ ወደ የሚያስቸግር ቁልቁለት እንደሚወርዱብን ለመገመት ነብይነት ፈፅሞ አይጠይቅም።

ሀ) እጅግ እኩያን በሆኑ ገዥ ቡድኖችና ግብረ በላዎቻቸው ምክንያት አገረ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ፍፁም ሰቆቃዊ  በሆነ ህይወት ውስጥ የሚገኘውን እጅግ አያሌ ንፁሃን ወገን በአንድ በኩል፣

ለ) ከልዩ ልዩ ምክንያቶች እየመነጩና እየጎለበቱ የሚያስቸግሩ  ችግሮች  የመኖራቸው እውነትነት እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ እነዚህን ችግሮች እየተከታተሉ አስፈላጊውን መሠረታዊ አገልግሎት የሚሰጡ መንግሥታዊና መንግሥታዊ ያልሆኑ አካላት እንደ ልብ በሚገኙባት ምድረ አሜሪካ የሚኖረውን ወገን በሌላ በኩል አድርገን ቅን ፣እውነተኛና  ሚዛናዊ በሆነ ህሊናችን ካመዛዘነው ሁለቱም ሁኔታዎች እኩል የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትን ግድ የሚሉ ወይም እኩል ወቅታዊ  እንደሆኑ ተደርገው በሃይማኖት አባትና በእሸቱ የቀረቡበት ሁኔታ አሳማኝነት የለውም።

በእኩያን ፖለቲከኞች ምክንያት ቅድስት የምንላት አገር መግለፅ የሚያስቸግር ሁኔታ  የመከራና የሰቆቃ ሰለባ የሆነውን መከረኛ የአገሬ ህዝብ ሁኔታ እና መሠረታዊው አገልግሎት በሚገኝበት አሜሪካ የሚኖረውን ዳያስፖራ እኩል ቅድሚያ የሚሻ አድርጎ ማቅረብ ፈፅሞ ይበል የሚያሰኝ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ አይደለም።  ለመሆኑ ምን አይነት ህሊና ነው አገሩ ለንፁሃን ልጆቿ እንኳን ለማየትና ለመስማት ለማሰብም የሚያስቸግር ምድረ ሲኦል በሆነችበት መሪር ሁኔታ ውስጥ ሆና በምድረ አሜሪካ የአ.አበባን ግማሽ የሚያህልና በርካታና  ግዙፍ ተቋማትን የሚይይዝ ገዳማዊ ማእከል (grandiose monastery complex)  ይገነባል በሚል ሃሴት የሚያደርገው?  የትኛውስ እውነተኛ አምላክ ነው በዚህ አይነት የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረቱ ክፉኛ በተንሸዋረረ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ ደስ የሚሰኝ?

እንዲህ አይነትን መሪር ጥያቄ  ለአገር ቤትም እኮ ረድተናል ፤አሁንም እየረዳን ነው፤ ወደ ፊትም እንረዳለን በሚል እጅግ ልፍስፍስ (ደምሳሳ) አይነት ምላሽ ለማለፍ መሞከር የራስን ተአማኒነትና ተቀባይነት ነው ይበልጥ ፈተና ላይ የሚጥለው። ምክንያቱም የጥያቄው ጭብጥ “እንደ ማነኛውም እርዳታ ሰጭ (መፅዋች) አካል ለአገር ቤት ሳንቲም ወይም የእለት ጉርስ ሰጥታችኋል ወይም አልሰጣችሁም ሳይሆን አገርና ህዝብ ከሚገኙበት ፍፁማዊ መከራና ሰቆቃ አንፃር የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረታችሁ እዚያው አገር ቤት እንጅ ባህር ማዶ  ግዙፍ ገዳማዊ ፕሮጀክት መሆን አልነበረበትም። ይህ ደግሞ በሰማያዊውም ሆነ በምድራዊው ዓለም ፈፅሞ ተቀባይነት የለውም።” የሚል ነውና።

“ገዳማዊው ማእከል ታሪካዊና አኩሪ ከሆኑት የውጭ አገር ገዳማት (እየሩሳሌም) አንዱ ይሆናል” የሚለውን ትንበያ ከመርህና ከአጠቃላይ እውነትነት አንፃር መቀበል አያስቸግርም። ይህ ግን አገሩ በገዛ ራሱ እኩያን ገዥ ቡድኖችና ሸሪኮቻቸው ምድረ ሲኦል ለሆነችበትና እየሆነችበት መድረሻ ላጣ ህዝብ ፈፅሞ ትርጉም የሚሰጥ ነገር አይደለም። "መጀመሪያ የመቀመጫዬን " እንደሚባለው ማለት ነው።

እናም እንዲህ አይነቱን በእጅጉ የተዛባ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ ቀጥተኛ፣ ግልፅና ተገቢ በሆነ አቀራረብ ትክክል እንዳልሆነ ከመንገርና ከመነጋገር ይልቅ “ስለ ድፍረቴ ይቅርታ አድርጉልኝ (ያድርጉልኝ) ወይም የእርሰዎን (የእናንተን) አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ በመተቸት መሳሳቴ ይኸውና ከእርስዎ (ከእናንተ) ፊት ቀርቤ ይቅርታና ቡራኬ እንዳገኝ አድርጎኛልና ፈጣሪ ይመስገን" የሚል አይነት ኑዛዜ ፈፅሞ ጥሩ ምሳሌነት የለውም ።

አዎ! የገዛ አገሩ ምድረ ሲኦል ሆናበት የሰውና የወገን ያለህ እያለ ለሚጮህ ወገን (ህዝብ) የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረት ሰጥቶ የጋራ ርብርብ ከማድረግ ይልቅ ጠይቆ ብቻ ሳይሆን ተጠይቆ መሠረታዊ አገልግሎት ከሚያገኘው ዳያስፓራ ጋር እኩል በማነፃፀር እጅግ ግዙፍ የባህር ማዶ ገዳማዊ ፕሮጀክት አዘጋጅቻለሁና (አዘጋጅተናልና) የምትሰጡትን ሁሉ እንደ ሰማያዊ መንገድ ስንቅ እየቆጠራችሁ ስጡ የሚል ዘመቻ ላይ መጠመድ ለገሃዱም ሆነ ለሰማያዊው ዓለም የሚበጅ ሊሆን አይችልም ብሎ ማሄስና መከራከር ፈፅሞ የስህተትና የሃጢአት መንገድ ሊሆን አይችልም። ይህንን ይሁን ብሎ የሚቀበል እውነተኛ አምላክም የለም። አዎ! እውነተኛው አምላክ ጨርሶ መፈናፈኛ ያጣውን ምስኪን ወገን የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረትና ርብርብ በማድረግ መታደግን የሚባርክ እንጅ የምናደርገው ሁሉ ምንም አይነት ግዝፍና እና ሰዋዊ አድናቆት ቢኖረው በዘፈቀደ ይሁን የሚልና የሚባርክ አይደለም።

አዎ! በእውነት ስለ እውነት ከተነጋገርን እጅግ አያሌ ቁጥር ያለው ህዝብ በሞትና በህይወት መካከል እንዲቃትት ወይም የአፈር በታች ሙት ወገኖችን እጣ ፈንታ እንዲመኝ ያደረጉትንና እያደረጉት ያሉትን ባለጌና ጨካኝ ገዥ ቡድኖችና ሸሪኮቻቸውን ደፍሮ በመገሰፅ እዚያው አገር ቤት መካሄድ ላለበት የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ፕሮጀክት አስፈላጊው ሁሉ እንዲደረግ በፈጣሪ ስም ጥሪ ለማድረግ የተሳነው የሃይማኖት መሪነት እጅግ ግዙፍ ስለሆነ የባህር ማዶ ገዳማዊ ማእከል (ፕሮጀክት) አጣዳፊ ዘመቻ እንዲካሄድ በማድረጉ ጉዳይ ላይ ጥያቄ ቢነሳ ደስ የሚለው እንጅ የሚከፋው እውነተኛ አምላክ ጨርሶ የለም ።

እንደ ማነኛውም የእምነቱ (የሃይማኖቱ) ጉዳይ እና ከልክ ያለፈው የአገሩ (የህዝቡ) መከራና ውርደት እንደሚያሳስበው ግለሰብ ወይም ቡድን ይህ እጅግ ወለፈንዲ (paradoxical) የሆነ ጉዳይ ድብልቅልቅ ስሜትን የሚፈጥርበት የአገሬ ሰው በቁጥር ቀላል እንደማይሆን እገምታለሁ ። ችግሩ ይህንን አስቀያሚ የሆነ ወለፈንዲነት በግልፅና በቀጥታ ከመተቸት ይልቅ ሰንካላ ሰበብ እየደረደረ ውስጥ ለውስጥ በማጉረምረም ክፉ ልማድ የተለከፈው እየቀነሰ ሳይሆን እየጨመረ ከመሄዱ ላይ ነው።

ሁለት ጨርሶ የማይቀራረቡ ሁኔታዎችን እንደ ማሳመኛ ምክንያት ለመተንተን ከመቸገር ይልቅ “በቅርፁም ሆነ በዓላማው ይዘት ታሪካዊ የባህር ማዶ ገደማዊ ማእከል በመገንባት ታሪካዊ የሃይማኖት መሪነት አሻራችንን አሳርፈን ለማለፍ ፈልገናልና አግዙን” ቢባል ቢያንስ በግልፅነናት በቀጥተኝነት ደረጃ ስሜት የሚሰጥ ይሆን ነበር።

ያለመታደል ወይም የፈጣሪ ቁጣ ሆኖብን ሳይሆን የገዛ ራሳችን አስከፊና አሳፋሪ ውድቀት   ባለመፀየፋችን ምክንያት ነገረ አስተሳሰባችን፣አመለካከታችንና አካሄዳችን ሁሉ ልክ በሌለው ድንቁርና ወይም እያወቁ የመደንቆር ወይም መስሎና አስመስሎ የመኖር ወይም ልኩን በሳተ የግል ወይም የቡድን ፍላጎትና ጥቅም ከተመሰቃቀለብንና ከገባንበት አጠቃላይና አስከፊ የውድቀት አዙሪት ሰብሮ  ለመውጣት አልቻለን ብሎን በእጅጉ ከተቸገርን ዘመናትን አስቆጠርን። ይህ ሁለንተናዊ (ዓለማዊና መንፈሳዊ) ቀውሳችን ደግሞ በህዝብ የመከራና የውርደት ህይወት ላይ ሥልጣነ መንበራቸውን ለማስጠበቅ የትኛውንም እርምጃ እየወሰዱ ካሉት እኩያን ገዥ ቡድኖች በማይተናነስ ሁኔታ ነገረ ሥራችን ሁሉ ወለፈንዲ (paradoxical) አድርጎብናል።

የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረት በሚሹ ፈተናዎቻችን እና በአስተሳሰባችንና በአካሄዳችን መካከል ባለው እጅግ ሰፊ ልዩነት የሚፈጠር ወለፈንዲ (paradox) ከጊዜ ጊዜ ከመሻሻል ይልቅ እየባሰበት የመሄዱ አባዜ አሳስቦን የሚበጀውን ለማድረግ ካልቻልን ፈፅሞ የትም አንደርስም።

ይህ ወለፈንዲነት ከፖለቲካ በሽታነት አልፎ የሃይማኖት ተቋማትን ሲጠናወት የሚፈጥረው ከባድ ፈተና ምን ያህል ከባድ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ከእኛው ከራሳችን አልፈን ሌላ ማሳያ ፍለጋ መሄድ አያስፈልገንም።

አዎ! በአንድ በኩል እጅግ መጠነ ሰፊና አስከፊ ስለሆነው የአገራችን መከራና ውርደት አጥብቆ መተረክ እና በሌላ በኩል ግን የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረታችን የትና መቼ እንደሆነና መሆንም እንዳለበት ለማወቅ ባለመፈለግ ወይም እያወቁ እንዳላወቁ መስሎ በማለፍ ወይም ልክ በሌለው የግልና የቡድን ፍላጎት/ ጥቅም/ዝና በመሸነፍ  ለማመን የሚያስቸግር የባህር ማዶ ፕሮጀክት ጀምረናልና በፈጣሪ ስም ያላችሁን ከቻላችሁ በሰዓታት (በአንድ ምሽት) ካልሆነ ግን ከዛሬ ጀምሮ ገቢ አድርጉ የሚል ዘመቻ የለየለት ወለፈንዲነት (typically paradoxical) ነው።

አዎ! ማድረግ የምንፈልገውን ነገር/ጉዳይ ከማድረጋችን በፊት የትኛው ከየትኛው ይቅደም? ለምን? በማንና ለማን? እንዴት! መቼና የት? ወደ የት? ከዚያስ? የሚሉትን እጅግ መሠረታዊ ጥያቄዎች ሳንጠይቅና ተገቢውን መልስ ለማግኘት እልህ አስጨራሽ ጥረት ሳናደርግ ለግልብ ስሜት ቅርብ በሆነ ቋንቋ እፁብ ድንቅ አስመስለን በማቅረብ የሄድንበትና አሁንም እየሄድን ያለንበት አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ ምን ያህል አላስፈላጊ ዋጋ  እንዳስከፈለንና እያስከፈለን እንደሆነ ለመረዳት የሚያስፈልገን የረቀቀ ዓለማዊና ሃይማኖታዊ ትንታኔ ወይም ፍልስፍና ሳይሆን  በመሬት ላይ ያለውን የገዛ ራሳችንን ግዙፍና መሪር እውነታ ከምር ልብ የሚል ጤናማና  ሚዛናዊ ህሊና ብቻ ነው።

በእውነት ስለ እውነት ከተነጋገርን አሁን ለምንገኝበት እጅግ አስከፊና አሳፋሪ ለሆነ አጠቃላይ ማለትም ፖለቲካዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊ፣ ማህበራዊ፣ ሞራላዊ ፣ ሥነ ልቦናዊ እና መንፈሳዊ   ውድቀት ከዳረጉን ዋነኛ ምክንያቶች አንዱ አብዛኛው ነገረ ሥራችን  ለችግሮቻችን ወይም ለጉዳዮቻችን ክብደትና አንገብጋቢነት የሚመጥን የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረት አስተሳሰብንና አካሄድን የተከተለ ሳይሆን ግልፅ ወይም ድብቅ ከሆነ  የግል ወይም የቡድን ስሜትና ፍላጎት  የሚነሳና መዳረሻውም በዚሁ ላይ የተመሠረተ የመሆኑ መሪር እውነታ ነው ።

በተለይ በእኩያን የጎሳ አጥንት ስሌት ፖለቲካ ገዥ ቡድኖች ፣ ግብረበላዎቻቸው እና እንዲሁም ሃይማኖታዊ መሪነታቸውንና ሰባኪነታቸውን በተገቢው መንገድ ለተገቢው (ለትክክለኛው) ተልእኮና ዓላማ ለማዋል በሚቸገሩ ወገኖች ምክንያት ምንነቷና ማንነቷ ምስቅልቅሉ በመውጣባት  እንደ እኛ አይነት አገር ውስጥ  ያሰብነውና ማድረግ የምንፈልገው ነገር  የፈለገውን ያህል እፁብ ድንቅ ቢሆንም የቅድሚያ ቅድሚያ ትኩረት  አስተሳሰብንና አካሄድን ግምት ውስጥ ካላስገባ  በስተቀር ፈፅሞ የትም አንደርስም።

በመጨረሻም ስለ እሸቱና መሰል  ወጣቶችና ጎልማሶች የሚከተለውን ልበል።

በመሠረቱ እንደ እሸቱ አይነት ጎልማሶች ወይም ወጣቶች ከሰለጠኑበት መደበኛ ሙያ በተጨማሪ የራሳቸውን ተጓዳኝ እውቀትና ተስጥኦ ተጠቅመው የራሳቸውን ህይወት ስኬታማ ለማድረግና ወገንን ለማገዝ የሚያደርጉት ጥረት ሊበረታታና ሊደገፍ የሚገባው ጉዳይ ነው።

ከዚህ ጎን ለጎን ግን ከወጣትነትና ከጎልማሳነት የሚወለድ እጅግ የተለጠጠ የግል ዝና ፍለጋ እና የገንዘብና የማቴሪያል ፍቅር በአግባቡ ካልተያዙ እየዋለ ሲያድር ከቁጥጥር ውጭ ይሆኑና ለእራስም ሆነ አሁን ለሚያከብራቸውና ለሚያደንቃቸው ህብረተሰብ  በቀላሉ ሊታረም የማይችል ስህተት እንዳያስከትል አድናቆት ብቻ ሳይሆን ሂሳዊ አስተያየትንም ግድ ይላል።

ምሳሌ ፦ ምንም እንኳ ዋናው ሂሳዊ አስተያየቴ ያተኮረው በሃይማኖት አባቶች  ላይ ቢሆንም እሸቱም እንዲህ አይነት ድራማዊ (dramatized) የሆነ ቅንብር ውስጥ ከመግባቱ በፊት አብሮት የሚኖረውና በሙያ (በሥራ አጋጣሚ) ምክንያት እየተዘዋወረ የታዘበው የመከረኛው ህዝብ ህይወት እና አሜሪካ ያለው ዲያስፖራ ህይወት ጨርሶ በተሳሳተ ንፅፅር ሲቀርብለት በአክብሮት ለምንና እንዴት ብሎ ለመረዳት ሳይሞክርና የራሱን ሃሳብ ለመግለፅ ሳያንገራግር ይህንን ያህል ሚሊዮን ዶላር በአንድ ምሽት ውስጥ አምጡ (ስጡ) የሚል እጅግ ስሜታዊ  ዘመቻ ውስጥ መግባቱ ትክክል እንዳልነበር ተገንዝቦ ገንቢ የእርምት ተሞክሮ መውሰድ ይኖርበታል የሚል እምነት አለኝ።

ታዛቢና አድናቂም እንደ እሸቱ አይነት ወገኖችን ማበረታታቱና ማድነቁ ተገቢ ቢሆንም ወደ ፍፁምነት የሚጠጋ (በተገቢ ሂሳዊ አስተያየት ያልታገዘ) ከሆነ ግን ከቁጥጥር ውጭ የሆንና ሙያን፣ ክህሎትንና መልካም ሰብእናን ይፈታተናልና  ተገቢውን ጥንቃቄ ማድረግ መልካም ነው ።

 
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