Thursday, August 31, 2023
ዐማራ ሕዝብ ድርጅት (ዐሕድ)
AMHARA PEOPLE'S ORGANIZATION ( APO)
ያማራዉ ብሐራዊ ሠራዊት (ሚሊሽያ)፣ ፋኖ፣ ልዩ ኃይል፣ ጦር ሠራዊትና አዋጊ መኮንኖች (AMHARA DEFENSE FORCE) ተባብረዉና ተናበዉ በሁሉም ክፍለ ሀገራት የገባዉን የኦነጋዉያን የነ አቢይ አሕመድ አሊ ጋላ ወራሪ፣ ሰላቢ፤ ዘራፊና አረመኔ ሠራዊት ደምስሰዉታል፣ በገፍ ማርከዉታል፣ ሰንቅና ትጥቁን ተረክበዉት ብትንትኑ ወጥቷል። ካማራዉ ሕዝባዊ ኃይል ጋራ በግንባር መዋጋት ያልቻለዉ ያቢይ አሕመድ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ መከላከያ ተብዬ የጋላ ወታደር ከተማ መሓል፣ አቢያተ ክርስቲያን ቅጥር ዉስጥ፣ በትምህርት ቤቶችና በጤና ጣቢያዎች፣ በማምረቻ ፋብሪካዎችና የቱሪስት መዳረሻ ታላላቅ ሆቴሎች ወዘተረፈ ዉስጥ መሽግጎ በከባድ መሣሪያ በአየር ኃይል ተዋጊ ጄትና ሰዉ አልባ ሮቢላ/ድሮን በፍኖተ ሰላም፣ በደብረ ብርሃን ወዘተረፈ ንጽሐንን በገፍ በመጨፍጨፍ የጦርነት ወንጀል ተፈጽሟል። ይህም ሆኖ ግን ያማራዉ ሕዝብ የሕልዉና ትግል በታቀደዉ መሠረት ይበልጥ ተጠናክሮ ቀጥሏል። በዚህ ወር የተደረገዉን የስኬት ደረጃና ትግዳሮትም በጥልቅ መርመረናል። ዐሕድ ለነፃነቱ፣ ለአገሩና ለአብርሃማዊ ሃይማኖቱ (ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና፣ ይሁዲና ከእስልምና) ፣ ለሰባዊነት ቀናኢ ለሆነዉ ያማራዉ ማኅበረሰብ ክብርና ምስጋና ያቀርባል፣ ያወድሳል፣ ያደንቃል፣ ሁልጊዜም ያወሣል። በጦር ሜዳ ግንባር ላማራው ሕልዉና ተሰልፈዉ በጀግንነት ተዋግተው ላለፉት አረብኞቻችን ሐዉልት ይቆማል፣ መታሰቢያቸዉ የሰየማል።
በሰሞኑ የፋኖዎችን አስደማሚ ድሎች በጥቂቱ ብቻ ከአመለከትን በሁዋላ ቀጥሎስ ምን ተደረገ፣ ምንስ ይደረጋል በዘርዝር ቀርቧል።+
፩ኛ/የሸዋ ፋኖ አናብስት በተጉለትና ቡልጋ፣ በይፋትና መንዝ የኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ጋላ ወራሪን መንጥረዉታል፣ ያቢይ አሕመድ ምርጡ ቅልብ ጦር በጉዶ በረት፣ በጣርማ በር በመዘዞ በሰላድንጋይ፣ በመንዝ፣ በአንጾኪያ ግድም ኤፍራታ፣ በቀወት፣ በሸዋ ሮቢት ወዘተረፈ በይፋቴዉ ታላቅ ጀግና አርበኛ አስግድ አዝማችነት የተሰማራዉ ጦረኛ ኤጅግ በጣም ከፍተኛ ድል አስመዝግቧል። በሌላ በኩልም የተጉለት ወግዳ ፋኖ ሠራዊት ከደብረ ብርሃን-አንጎለላ-ደነባ-ጅሑር-እነዋሪ-መራቤቴ መስመር ላይ የጋላ አረመኔ ወራሪ ትንኮሳን አፈርድሜ አርጎታል። ታዲያ! በእንሳሮ ዉጊያዉ ግንባር ከፍተኛ ሽንፈት የደረሰበት ያቢይ አሕመድ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ አረመኔ ወራሪ ሠራዊት 22 ንጽሐን ዐማራ ወጣት ወንዶችን እጃቸዉን የፊጥኝ አስሮ ረሽኗቸዋል።
፪ኛ/ጀግኖቹ የሸዋ መራቤቴ ደራ ፋኖዎች ባለፈዉ በታቀደዉ መሠረት የደራ ዋና ከተማ የሆነችዉን ጉንዶ መስቀል ገብተዉ የኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ካድሬዎችን መንጥረዉታል። መላዉን ደራ ወረዳ ነፃ ለማዉጣት አሁንም በሰልልኩላና ሌሎቹም ቀበሌዎች ሁሉ በመዋጋት ላይ ናቸው። ስለዚህም ተጨማሪ ኃይልና ትጥቅ ከአቅራቢያዉ ማለትም ከጎጃም ሸበል በረንታ በኩል በፍጥነት እንዲደርስ በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን።
፫ኛ/በጎጃም ክፍለ ሀገር መላዉ ሕዝብ ሴት ወንዱ፣ ቄስ መነኩሴዉ፣ ሼኹ፣ ሙፍቲዉ ይማሙና ፋኖዉ ሌላዉም ታጣቂ ሁሉ ሰምና ወርቅ ሆነው ያደረጉትና የሚያደርጉትን ያማራ ሕዝብ የሕልዉና ተጋድሎ ፍጹም ወደርየለሽ ነዉ። አወን! ታሪክ ራሱን በዚህም ዘመን ደገመ። ሀገረ ጎጃም የስመ ጥሩ ዕንቁ አርበኞች የነቢትወደድ ነጋሽ፣ ደጃዝማች መንገሻ ጀምበሬ፣ ደጃዝማች በላይ ዘለቀ፣ ፊታዉራሪ ኃይለ የሱስ፣ ፊታዉራሪ ዘለቀ ደስታ፣ ፊታዉራሪ ደረሰ ሽፈራዉ፣ ፊታዉራሪ በየነ በለዉ፣ ፊታዉራሪ በቀለ ካሳ፣ ወዘተረፈ። ክበር ተመስገን አምላካችን ዐማራ ነፃ ሕዝብ አርገህ በአራያህ የፈጠርከን። ስለሆነም በፍጥነት መላዉ ጎጃም ከአባይ እስክ አባይ በተለይም የባሕር ዳር አዉራጃ ከተማ ባሕር ዳር ከወራሪ ጋላና ከባንዳ ዉሻ ፀረ-ዐማራ ቅጥረኛ ተላላኪ ነፃ ትሆናለች። ደብረ ማርቆስ የጎጃም ክፍለ ሀገር ዋና መዲና ስለሆነች አሁንኑ ከሰባቱ አዉራጃዎች የተወከሉ ጊዜያዊ ያስተዳደር ምክር ቤትና ያዉራጃዎቹ መዋቅር ይሰየም ዘንድ ዐሕድ ያሳስባል። ከዚህም ሌላ ከፊል የጎጃም ፋኖ ከመተከል አዉራጃ ፋኖዎች ጋራ በመሆን መላዉን የመተከል አዉራጃ በፍጥነት ነፃ ይዉጣ። በሦስት ቀናት ዉስጥ በደበረ ማርቆስ ክፍለ ከተማ ቦሌ ሰፈር የተወሸቀዉ ጋላ ወራሪ ከመቶ በላይ ንጽሐን ዐማሮችን መጨፍጨፋቸዉ ደርሶናል። የሁሉንም ሰማቸዉና አድራሻዎችን በጥንቃቄ ይመዝገብ።
፬ኛ/ጎንደር ከተማና ዙሪያዋ በበአዴን ብልጽግና የነ አቢይ አሕመድ ጋላ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ኦሮሙማና ያጋሚዶ ትግሬ ወያኔ ትሕነግ ርዝራዥ ግብረብሎች ጥርቃሞ ሆድ አደር አሳማዎች የተበከለች ስለሆነ እነዚህ ባንዳዎች ያደረሱት ጉዳት ቀላል አይደለም። ሐቀኛ የጎንደር ከተማ ዙሪያ ፋኖዎች ትናንትም ሆነ ዛሬ የጠላትና ተባባሪዉ ባንዳ ይላማ ሆነዉ ከፍተኛ መስዋዕትነት እየከፈሉ ይገኛሉ። የጎንደር ከተማ ቄስ መነኩሴ፣ ሽማግሌ፣ ሸኽ ሙፍቲ የብልፅግና ቅጥርኛ ወራዳ ባንዳ ያማራ ሕዝብ ዋና ጠላቶች ሁሉ ይመንጠሩ፣ እንበለ ርህራሄና ይሉኝታ ይወገዱ፣ እንድ ሙሶሎኒ ተዘቅዝቀዉ ይሰቀሉ። እስላም ዐማራዎች በወለጋ ምድራቸዉ ላይ በአረመኔ ጋሎች በገፍ ሲጨፈጨፉ፣ ሲቃጠሉ፣ ያማራ እስላም ርጉዝ ሴቶች ሆዳቸዉ ተሰንጥቆ ፅንሱ ሲበላ፣ ሽማግሌ፣ የሃይማኖት አባቶች ተብዬ ፈሪሳዉያን የብልጽግና ካድሬዎች፣ ሃይማኖትየለሽ አጋሰሶች ሁላችሁም ዘወር በሉ! ያማራ ሕዝብ በቡከን አረመኔዎች የተቃጣበት ጥቃት ይመልሳል፣ ጠላቶቹን በክንዱና በአምላኩ ኃይል ከምደረ ገጽ ትቢያ ያደርጋቸዋል። በሌላ በኩልም ዐሕድ ታላቅ አክብሮትና ዉዳሴ ለሁሉም የሰሜን በጌምድር አርበኞች ለእነ አርበኛዉ ራስ መሳፍንት ተስፉ፣ ኮሎኔል ደመቀ ዘዉዱ፣ አርበኛዉ አንተነህ ደረስ፣ ለመላዉ የጠለምትና ጠገዴ ዐማራ ማንነነት አስመላሽ ኮሚቴ አባላት፣ ወዘተረፈ ያቀርባል።
ዐሕድ የሰሜን በጌምድር ወገራ አዉራጃ የወልቃይት፣ ጠለምትና ጠገዴ ዐማሮችን ትግል ከ1986ዓ.ም በአንድነት የመላዉ ዐማራ ሕዝብ ልሳን ቁጥር ፩ ሚያዚያ ፲፭ ቀን ፲፱፻፹፮ ዓ.ም « የጠገዴ ሕዝብ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል መከለሉን በመቃወም አሁንም አቤቱታዉን ቀጥሏል» በተባለው ርዕስ ማቅረባችን ተመዝግቧል። አባሪዉን ይመልከቱ።
ዐሕድ የወልቃይት፣ የጠለምትና ጠገዴ ዐማሮች ያማራ ሕዝብ ማንነት ቀንዲል ኮከበ ጽባሕ መሆናቸዉን በአጽኖት ስለሚያምን በዉሸት ኢትዮጵያነት፣ ባማራ ሕዝብ ኪሣራና ዉድመት፣ ባጋሚዶ ትግሬ ወያኔ ትሕነግና በጋላ አረመኔ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ መፈንጫ ባንቱስታን አፓርታይድ የጎሣ ፌደራሊዝም ዉስጥ ዐማራዉ አይኖርም፣ አብቅቷል። ዐማራዉ ለራሱ በራሱ በምድር ላይ ለማንም ቅጥረኛ ይሁን ቀጣሪው ፈረንጅ ፣ ወይም ደግሞ መጢቃ አረብ አይገዛም።
፭ኛ/በቤተ ዐማራ/ወሎ ክፍለ ሀገር የመላዉ ዐማራ ፋኖ ምክር ቤት ምክትል አዛዥ ሻለቃ ምሬ ወዳጆ አዝማችነት የተደረገዉና ባለው ዉጊያ ጠላት ተደምስሷል። ስለሆነም በላሊበላ አካባቢ የጋላ ወራሪ ጦር በፋኖ ኃይል የሽምቅ ዉጊያ ስልት ድባቅ ሲመታ የጋላው ወራሪ ያቢይ አሕመድ መከላከያ ተብዬዉ በጠራራ ፀሐይ እንደ ልማዱና ባሕሉ አንድ ያማራ አሥራሰባት ልጅ ብልትን መስለቡ ተረጋግጧል። ይህም አረመኔ ድርጊት በፋሽስት ጣሊያን ወረራ ወቅት የጥሙጋ ጋላ ከፋሽስት ጣሊያኖች ጋራ ተባብሮ ዐማራና አርጎባን ሲሰልብ፣ ጡት ሲቆርጥ፣ አቢያተ ክርስቲያንን ሲያቃጥል፣ ሃብት ንብረት ሲዘርፍ እንደ ነበር እንኮዋን የኛ አያቶች ያይን ምስክሮቹ ይቅርና ሐቀኛና ሰባዊ ፀረ ፋሽስት የሆኑት ጣሊያኖች መዝግበዉ አቆይተዉናል።
፮ኛ/ድርድር ብሎ ነገር የለም! የሽግግር መንግሥት ይመሥረት የሚባለዉም ተቀባይነት የለዉም። በነ አቢይ አሕመድ አሊ ኦነጋዉያን መቃብር ላይ ያማራ፣ ላማራ ባማራ የሚመራ መንግሥት ይመሠረታል። መጤ ወራሪና አረመኔ የሰባዊ መብት ጥሰት ወንጅለኞች ካማራ ጥንታዊ ምድርና ይዞታ ይመነጠራሉ። በአገር ቤት ሆነ በዉጭ ተቃዋሚ፣ ተፎካካሪ ተብዬ የነ አቢይ አሕመድ ኦነግ/ኦሕደዽ አጨብጫቢና አለቃላቂ፣ ያማራዉን ሕዝብ የዘር ፍጅትና ማጽዳት ክደዉ፣ ሸፍጠዉና ተሞዳምደው የቆዩትና ያሉት ሁሉ ዋጋቸዉን ያገኛሉ፣ ይወገዳሉ። ድርድር፣ ሽምግልና ሰላም የተባሉት ያማራ ሕዝብ ጠላቶችና ግብረ አበሮቻቸዉ ማዘናጊያዎችና ማደናገሪያዎች አሁን ዐማራ ሕዝብ በሚገኝበት ሁኔታዎች ተቀባይነት የላቸዉም። ያማራዉ ሕዝብ የሕልዉና ትግል በድል ብቻ ይጠናቀቃል። ኦነጋዉያን ጋሎችና አጋሚዶ ወያኔ ትግሬዎች ያማራን ሕዝብ ዋና ጠላት ብለዉ ፈርጀዉ ነዉ በያለበት በገፍ ሲጨፈጭፉት፣ ሲያርዱት፣ ሲያቃጥሉት ከመኖሪያ ቀበሌዉ ሲያፈናቅሉት፣ ሃብት ንብረቱን ዘርፈዉ መና ሲያስቀሩት የኖሩትና ያሉት። በባንቱስታን አፓርታይድ የጎሣ ፖለቲካ ስሪታቸዉ ያማራ ክልል ብለዉ በሰየሙትም አካባቢ ከወሎ እስከ ሸዋና ሰሜን በጌምደር ወያኔዎች ጦር አዝመተው ከሁለት ጊዜ በላይ ዘርፈዉታል፣ አዉድመዉታል፣ ንጹሕን ገበሬዎችን ገድለዋል። በወልቃይት ማይካድራ አረመኔ ትግሬዎች ከ፩ ሽህ ፮፻ በላይ ዐማሮችን በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ መጨፍጨፋቸዉ ከቶ አይዘነጋም። ዛሬ ደግሞ ይኸዉ በአባ ዱላ አቢይ አሕመድ አዝመችነት ኦነጋዉያን ከመጋቢት ወር ጀምሮ ዘምተዉበታል።
በሕዝባዊ አመጽ ወያኔ ትግሬ ትሕነግ ከአራት ኪሎ ወደ መቀሌ ከተባረረ በሁዋላ ነዉ የነአቢይ አሕመድ ጋሎቹ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ተብዬዉ የቀድሞ ኤርትራ ሻዕቢያ ድርጅት ፍየል ጠባቂና ቦቅቧቃ ምርኮኛ ወታደር ስብስብ ከነትጥቁ አገር እንዲገባ ተመቻችቶለት፣ በገባ ማግስት በቡራዩ ያዲስ አበባ ክፍለ ከተማ ነዋሪዎች ንፁሐን የጋሞ፣ የጉራጌ፣ ያማራ ወዘተረፈ ሕፃናትን፣ ሽማግሌ አዛዉንቶችን በዘር ለይቶ የፈጀዉና ያፅዳዉ። የቡራዩና ያዲስ አበባ ከተማ ጨፍጫፊ ጋሎች እስከዛሬ ለፍርድ ሳይቀርቡ ቀርተዉ የላቀና ያላቁዋረጠዉ ያማራዉን ሕዝብ ለይቶ የዘር ፍጅትና ማፅዳት በወለጋ፣ በሸዋ ፣ ባሩሲ፣ በባሌ፣ በሐረርጌ፣ በጅማ፣ በመተከል፣ በአዲስ አበባ ከተማና በዙሪያዋ በአቢይ አሕመድ አሊ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ኦሮሙማ ፍሽስት መንግሥት ተፈጽሟል፤ አሁንም በተለይ በወለጋና በሸዋ እየተደረገ ይገኛል።
ዐማራዉ ሕዝብ በአንድነት በቃኝ ብሎ ተነስቶ ጠላቶቹን ቢሚገባቸዉ ልሳን ያናዝዛቸዉ ጀምሯል። ዐሕግ በቅርቡ አዲስ አበባ መዲናችንን ከጭራቅ አቢይ አሕመድ አሊ የኦሮሙማ ፋሽስት ኦነጋዉያን ጉጀሌ መንጋ ነፃ ያደርጋታል። ስለሆነም ያማራ ሕዝብ ድርጅት ከመጤ ወራሪ ጋላ ኦነግ/ኦሕዴድ ያማራዉ ሕዝብ የዘር ፍጅትና ማጽዳት ወንጅለኛ ጋራ ፈጽሞ አይደራደርም፤ አይታረቅም። የሁንዱማ ኬኛ፣ የኦሮሙማ ፋሽስት ሰልቃጭና ተስፋፊ ቱሪናፋ ልኩን ሳያገኛ፣ የነሽመልስ አብዲሳ፤ አዳናች አበቤ፣ የነ አቢይ አሕመድ አሊ ወዘተረፈ ኦነጋዉያን ፀረ ዐማሮች ልሳን ሳይዘጋና ዕጣቸው ዱብ ብሉ ለፈጽሙት ወንጅል ተፈርዶባቸዉ ደይን ሳይወርዱ እርቅ ብሎ ነገር አይታሰብም።
ከድል መልስ ብቻ ከሌሎች ማለትም ያማራ ጥላቻ ካልነዙት፣ ከጠላት ጋራ ተባብረዉና ወግነዉ የሰባዊ መብት ጥስት ወንጅል ካልፈጸሙት ጋራ በክብ ጠረጴዛ ዙሪያ በሰላም በፍቅርና በኩልነት ተደራድሮ አብሮ ለመኖር ማንኛዉም ጥረት ይደረጋል።
ድል ለዐሕግ! ዘላለማዊ ክብርና ሞገስ ለፋኖ ሰማዕታት!
ፍትሕ ለሁሉም የሕሊና እስረኞች፤ ለአዛዉንቱ ታዲዎስ ታንቱ፣ ገነት አስማማዉ፣ ቴዎደሮስ አስፋዉ፣ ሢሳይ አዉግቸዉ፣ ዳዊት እንደሻዉ፣ ቴዎድሮስ ዘርፉ፣ ስንታየሁ ቸኮል...!
ዐሕድ በአርባ ምንጭ የፈጸመዉን ጭፍጨፋ በአጽኖት ይኮንናል!
ዐሕድ ኦነግ ሸኔ ተብዬዉ በጉራጌና ጨቦ አዉራጃ የፈጸመዉን ጭፍጨፋ ያወግዛል!
ዐሕድ የጉራጌ ሕዝብ የክልልነት ጥያቄን ይደግፋል!
በጉራጌ ዞን የታስሩት ሁሉም በአስቸኩዋይ ይፈቱ!
ሞት ለኦነግ/ኦሕዴ፣ ኢዜማ፣ አብን፣ ብአዴን/ብልጽግና!
ዐሕድ
31.08.2023
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185612
https://youtu.be/jfXg4KAq7oE?si=oyYJg1dDJBqPBomt
አሜሪካን ለጠሚ/ር አብይ በኤርትራ ጉዳይ ጠንካራ ማሳሰቢያ ላከች፥ በወልቃይት ውጥረት ነግሷል፥ የጸሀይ ሪል ስቴት ኦፕሬሽን
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185604
አሜሪካን ለጠሚ/ር አብይ በኤርትራ ጉዳይ ጠንካራ ማሳሰቢያ ላከች፥ በወልቃይት ውጥረት ነግሷል፥ የጸሀይ ሪል ስቴት ኦፕሬሽን
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185604
በኢትዮጵያ የትህነግን የ1968 ዓ.ም. ፀረ -ኢትዮጵያዊነትን የፀነሰዉን የጥላቻ እና የጭካኔ መመሪያ የወለደዉ 1987 .ዓ.ም ህገ-ኢህአዴግ ኢትዮጵያም ሆነ ኢትዮጵያዊነት በስጋት ተመልክተዋል ፡፡
ፀረ- ኢትዮጵያዊነት፣ ፅዮናዊነት፣ ዓማራ ለኢትዮጵያዊነት ዕዉቅናን የሚነፍግ ፣የዓማራን ህዝብ በፖለቲካ ፣ ሠርቶ የማግኘት እናየመኖር (ኢኮኖሚ) ፣ በዕምነት እና ማንነት በግልፅ በማግለል የሚደነግግ ህገ- ፓርቲ ከተወለደበት አስካሁን ሁሉንም የኢትዮጵያ ሀገረ መንግስት እና የዘመናት ታላቅነት ታሪክ የሚንድ፣ የዓማራ ህዝብ ከሌላዉ ኢትዮጵያዊ ወገኑ ጋር በደም እና አጥንት በመሰረታት አገር በባይታዋርነት እና በመጣትነት በመፈረጂ ላለፉት ሶስት አስርተ ዓመታት የበይ ተመልካች አድርጎታል፡፡
የትግራይ ህዝብ ነፃ አዉጭ ድርጂት(ት.ህ.ነ.ኣ.ድ) በበረኃ የቋጠረዉን ቂም በህገ- ፓርቲዉ አሳድጎ በመዉለድ ከ1983 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን እና የዓማራ ህዝብ በጠላትነት ፈርጆ የአንድን አገር ህዝብ ጠላትነት ወዳጂ ማድረጉ በበረሃዉ ሴራ ጨቋኟዋ የዓማራ ብሄረሰብ የምታደርገዉ የኢኮኖሚ እና ፓለቲካ ብዝበዛ እና ጭቆና አስካለቆመ ህብረተሰባዊ ዕረፍት እንነሳለን የሚለዉን ከጥላቻ እና የበታችነት ስሜት የሚመነጭ ብቀላ ከዚያ አስካሁን እየሰራበት ይገኛል ፡፡
ከዚህም በላይ የ፫ ሽ ዓመታት ታሪክ እና ባህል ተዘርፈናል የሚል የዚያን ዘመን ቁጭት ዛሬም ላይ በዓማራ ህዝብ እና ማንነት ላይ ያለዉን ጥላቻ ማሳየት መቀጠሉ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ያለዉን ዕዉነተኛ ታሪክ እና የዘመናት ብሄራዊ ማንነት ከነልዩነት ለመቀበል አለመፈለግ ነዉ ፡፡
ዛሬ ላይ በኢትዮጵያ በተለይም በዓማራ ህዝብ የማንነት እና የፖለቲካ ጫና ህዝብ ሲያነሳ የተለያየ መጠሪያ ዕየሰጡ በጥላቻ እና በቂም በቀል ዕዉነትን እና የህዝቦችን ማንነት መካድ ለማንም የሚጨምረዉ ፋይዳ የለም፡፡
ትህነግ የኢትዮጵያን የዘመን ቆይታ በ ፻ ዓማታት ቀንብቦ የሶስት ሽ ዓመታት ታሪክ እና ባህል ተቀምተናል ሲል እኛ ኢትዮጵያን ደግም ከዳማት ስርወ መንግስት ጀምሮ ሲቆጠር የ፭ ሽ ፭፻ ዘመን ያላት የታላቋ ኢትዮጵያ አገር ህዝቦች መሆናችንን አለመናገራችን “ከሞኝ ደጂ …….” ሆኗል፡፡
ለመሆኑ አንድ ድርጂት አንድን አገር እና ህዝብ በዚህ ልክ ሲመለከት በተለይ የዓማራ ህዝብ እና የዓማራ የአገረ መንግስት ምስረታ እና ባለዉለታ መሆን በዚህ ልክ ሲካድ የዓማራ ህዝብ ራሱን እና አገሩን ከዉጭ እና ከዉስጥ ጥቃት ያደረገዉን የዘመናት ታጋድሎ ፋና ወጊነት ምልክት እና ስያሜ የሆነዉን ህዝባዊ አደረጃጀት “ፋኖ ” በድንገት የተፈጠረ እና ከምንም ያልነበር አድርጎ መረዳትም ሆነ መገመት ፍረደ ገምድልነት እና የታሪክ ባዶነት ነዉ ፡፡
አዚህ ጋ ሁላችንም ልናሰምርበት የሚገባ ዛሬም ላይ ዜጎች በፖለቲካ እና በሰባዊ መብት ዕጦት እና መገለል ለሚያቀርቡት ጥያቄ ዛሬም ከልካይና ሰጪ ትክነግ ሆኖ ማየት የሶስት ሽ ዓመት ባላታሪክነቱን ሳይሆን ታሪክ አልባ ህዝብ እና አገር ለመፍጠር ሊረካ የማይችል ነዉ ፡፡
ማሳያችን የፖለቲካ መገገለል እና መድሎ ደርሷል ብሎ በጥላቻ ሲነሳ በህዝብ መስዋዕትነት ስልጣን ላይ ወጥቶም ሆነ አሁን ከጭቆና አስተሳሰብ ባለመዉጣት ለበቀል እና በደል በዓማራ ህዝብ ላይ አሁንም በነበረበት መሆኑ ነዉ ፡፡
በመማል ከሆነ ኢትዮጵያ የዕኛ ናት ኢትዮጵያም የብዙ ሽ ዘመናት የዕድሜ ባለፀጋ ናት ፡፡ የዓማራ ህዝብ የባላገርነት፣ የአርበኝነት እና የብሄራዊ ኩራት ተምሳሌነት ዓለም የሚመሰክረዉን እኛ ብንክደዉ ዕዉነትን መቀየር ከቶ ድካም ፡፡
ስለ ኢትዮጵያም ሆነ ስለ ዓማራ አገር ወዳድነት እና አርቆ አሳቢነት አንናገርም ከዚህ በላይ በተግባር ተፍትኖ በታሪክ ተሰንዶ የሚገኝ ከነቦታ ስያሜ እና ሁነት ጋራ ሸንተረሩ የሚመሰክረዉ ነዉ ፡፡
አበዉ ቂም (ጥላቻ) በ፻ ዓመቱ የወተት ጥርስ ነዉ እንዲሉ የኢትዮጵያ እና የኣማራ ህዝብ ጠሎች በፖለቲካ ጭቆና ላይ ሆነዉ ዛሬም ወደ ፊቱም እየጨቆኑ ለመኖር የሚገዳቸዉ በጥላቻ ምክነያት እንጂ በጭቆና የኖረ ጨቐኝ ሆኖ እንዲኖር የሚያደርግ ጥላቻ እና የበታነት ስሜት መሆኑ ዛሬም የሚታይ ነዉ፡፡
የሚያሳዝነዉ ይህን የመሰለ ለአገር እና ህዝብ አደጋ የሆነዉን ዕንቀፋት እና የሞት ወጥመድ ተሸክሞ ስለ ሠላም፣ አንድነት ፣ ብሄራዊነት፣ ዕኩልነት …….ስለሚያወራ ሁሉ ነዉ ፡፡ እናዝናለን የመታንን እንቅፋት፣ የጠለፈንን ወጥመድ፤ የካደንን ጠላት ሳናዉቅ ወደ ፊት ለመራመድ ወደ ኋላ እያየን ወደ ፊት ለመራመድ አለመቻላችን አለማወቃችን ነዉ፡፡
እያወቀ ላላወቀ ይሆን ዘንድ ከተ.ህ.ነ.ድ 1968 ዓ.ም. መመሪያ እና የዓማራ ህዝብ ለዘመናት በጠላትነት የብዙ መከራ ዘመናት ገፊ እንዲሆን የተጫነበት የጭቆና ቀንበር ማስተግበሪያ በከፊል የሚከተለዉን ለሚያይ ይኸዉ ፡፡
አንድነት ኃይል ነዉ !
Allen
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185601
A Call to Action the International Community to Stop the Genocide of the Amhara people
The Narcissists Sociopath Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed Without Preconditions
The Prime Minister’s narcissism and sociopathy mental disorder could doom the country. Most revolutions removed oppressive systems only for them to be replaced by similar, if not worse, regimes led by the same liberators. Psychoanalysis is one way of understanding them. We can analyze their behavior as humans, understand their decision-making processes, and anticipate their next move. A substantial body of research into human psychology has revealed multiple personality traits that are commonly found in leaders. However, I will focus on just one, narcissistic sociopath's leader, as it perfectly fits Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Read More ---- A Call to Action the International Community to Stop the Genocide of the Amhara people
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https://zehabesha.com/a-call-to-action-the-international-community-to-stop-the-genocide-of-the-amhara-people/
Wednesday, August 30, 2023
A Call to Action the International Community to Stop the Genocide of the Amhara people
The Narcissists Sociopath Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed Without Preconditions
The Prime Minister’s narcissism and sociopathy mental disorder could doom the country. Most revolutions removed oppressive systems only for them to be replaced by similar, if not worse, regimes led by the same liberators. Psychoanalysis is one way of understanding them. We can analyze their behavior as humans, understand their decision-making processes, and anticipate their next move. A substantial body of research into human psychology has revealed multiple personality traits that are commonly found in leaders. However, I will focus on just one, narcissistic sociopath's leader, as it perfectly fits Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Read More ---- A Call to Action the International Community to Stop the Genocide of the Amhara people
-
https://zehabesha.com/a-call-to-action-the-international-community-to-stop-the-genocide-of-the-amhara-people/
https://youtu.be/l5Y_TKEAQyA?si=5TYy3glzDqCNG_1A
የግንባር ዜና! በሄሊኮፍተር ሲወርዲ ቀለሟቸው! ደብረ ማርቆስ፣ አዴት!| የአማራ ድምጽ ዜና
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185589
የግንባር ዜና! በሄሊኮፍተር ሲወርዲ ቀለሟቸው! ደብረ ማርቆስ፣ አዴት!| የአማራ ድምጽ ዜና
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185589
https://youtu.be/wklElLxK-XI?si=DFSkzYfPXyJ-_AXo
ሰበር መቶ ሺህ መከላከያ ተሰውቷል‹‹ሁለት ሺህ ወታደር ጠፍቶብኛል››ምዕራብ እዝ ‹‹አዲስ አበባን እንደ ካርቱም እናደርጋታለን›› ዐቢይ
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185593
ሰበር መቶ ሺህ መከላከያ ተሰውቷል‹‹ሁለት ሺህ ወታደር ጠፍቶብኛል››ምዕራብ እዝ ‹‹አዲስ አበባን እንደ ካርቱም እናደርጋታለን›› ዐቢይ
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185593
https://youtu.be/l5Y_TKEAQyA?si=5TYy3glzDqCNG_1A
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ሰበር መቶ ሺህ መከላከያ ተሰውቷል‹‹ሁለት ሺህ ወታደር ጠፍቶብኛል››ምዕራብ እዝ ‹‹አዲስ አበባን እንደ ካርቱም እናደርጋታለን›› ዐቢይ
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ሰበር መቶ ሺህ መከላከያ ተሰውቷል‹‹ሁለት ሺህ ወታደር ጠፍቶብኛል››ምዕራብ እዝ ‹‹አዲስ አበባን እንደ ካርቱም እናደርጋታለን›› ዐቢይ
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Mike Hammer to Revisit Ethiopia to Mend His Flawed Pretoria Peace Deal.
Girma Berhanu (Professor)
Mike Hammer is US president Biden's Horn of Africa Special Envoy and he is scheduled to travel to Ethiopia this week to try and fix the peace deal he hurriedly hatched out in Pretoria, South Africa, between the government of Abiy Ahmed and the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF). At the time, it was praised as a forward-thinking deal that put an end to one of modern Africa's silliest wars: a war entirely revolving around how many ministers of each warring faction got which slices of the cake. It was also one of Africa's deadliest modern wars, with low-estimates already ballooning into the hundreds of thousands of dead.
In the early stages of that war, Abiy Ahmed was roundly defeated by the Tigrayan front, unsurprisingly as this was not a rough-and-tumble guerrilla outfit, but rather a fully equipped military force that had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years before being booted out by Abiy Ahmed's faction.
What saved Abiy Ahmed's cornered regime was the rise of the Amhara FANO militia, which fought against the TPLF not so much out of love for Abiy, but because its Amhara farmers were being ruthlessly butchered by the TPLF as it trampled across their home region.
Fano decisively beat the TPLF and essentially gave victory to Abiy's central government on a silver platter. Their reward, however, was far from generous. Instead, Fano was rightly seen by the government as a powerful force that jeopardized its national agenda, which can be briefly summarized as marginalizing Amhara citizens to the benefit of Oromo elites.
The Pretoria Peace deal was a masterpiece in deception because it awarded juicy benefits to both losers of the war: the TPLF and Abiy Ahmed's central government. The Fano were left out in the cold. Fast-forward a year and the dynamics at play are so cynical as to numb even Machiavelli. Now we have the central government in cahoots with the TPLF attacking Fano. The idea was to wipe out Fano entirely, but alas, reality has proven too stubborn. The Amhara militia has stood its ground and, once again, taught both attacking parties a valuable lesson: attack our people at your own peril.
Seeing how a military option has failed, they have whined to their paymasters in Washington for help. And here we are today: with Mike Hammer revisiting Ethiopia to iron out a deal between two sides: 1) Abiy and TPLF and 2) Fano.
Here are a few tips for Mike Hammer which may help him in his peace-making efforts:
- The so-called Ethiopian army is no longer that and has been effectively converted by Abiy into an OPDO/OLF Oromo para-military. And a very bad one at that, capable of large-scale killing of Amhara citizens but useless when facing an armed force.
- The TPLF army may have been weakened by the bloody civil war but it has recently been re-organized and strengthened particularly with the intention to re-take Welkait.
- Abiy and TPLF are waging a genocidal war on the Amhara people and Fano is fighting for survival.
- Hence, Abiy has in effect invaded Amhara region with the express objective of subjugating Amhara citizens who therefore have the right to demand the withdrawal of so-called federal troops from the region as a precondition for Mike Hammer's peace efforts to have any chance of success.
- The unconstitutional state of emergency imposed by Abiy Ahmed on the Amhara region must be immediately lifted.
- The Amhara people should be allowed to form their own transitional administration.
- Therefore, the leadership recently appointed by Abiy Ahmed for the Amhara region should be quickly annulled.
- Above all, Mike Hammer should be brave enough to raise the question of accountability for the innumerable atrocity crimes and other human and democratic rights violations committed under the Abiy regime.
A personal call on Mike Hammer would say that if you want to make real peace in Ethiopia, please ask your boss, president Biden, to give Abiy Ahmed political asylum in your great country. The Amhara gave Abiy Ahmed the golden opportunity on a silver platter to govern Ethiopia fairly and democratically but he willfully opted for the destruction of Ethiopia and wanton civil war, bloodshed and carnage of the most horrific type. By all means go ahead and try to make peace in Ethiopia but remember that when you shake hands with Abiy Ahmed, you are shaking the heavily blood -stained hand of one of the most notorious genociders of all time and that you are doing it for the sake of the noble cause of making and probably forging peace in the Horn of Africa.
(In collaboration with my brother TG)
https://zehabesha.com/mike-hammer-to-revisit-ethiopia-to-mend-his-flawed-pretoria-peace-deal/
Mike Hammer to Revisit Ethiopia to Mend His Flawed Pretoria Peace Deal.
Girma Berhanu (Professor)
Redwan Hussein (L), Representative of the Ethiopian government, and Getachew Reda (R), Representative of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), shake hands a peace agreement between the two parties during a press conference regarding the African Union-led negotiations to resolve conflict in Ethiopia at the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) offices in Pretoria on November 2, 2022. (Photo by PHILL MAGAKOE / AFP) (Photo by PHILL MAGAKOE/AFP via Getty Images)
Mike Hammer is US president Biden's Horn of Africa Special Envoy and he is scheduled to travel to Ethiopia this week to try and fix the peace deal he hurriedly hatched out in Pretoria, South Africa, between the government of Abiy Ahmed and the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF). At the time, it was praised as a forward-thinking deal that put an end to one of modern Africa's silliest wars: a war entirely revolving around how many ministers of each warring faction got which slices of the cake. It was also one of Africa's deadliest modern wars, with low-estimates already ballooning into the hundreds of thousands of dead.
In the early stages of that war, Abiy Ahmed was roundly defeated by the Tigrayan front, unsurprisingly as this was not a rough-and-tumble guerrilla outfit, but rather a fully equipped military force that had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years before being booted out by Abiy Ahmed's faction.
What saved Abiy Ahmed's cornered regime was the rise of the Amhara FANO militia, which fought against the TPLF not so much out of love for Abiy, but because its Amhara farmers were being ruthlessly butchered by the TPLF as it trampled across their home region.
Fano decisively beat the TPLF and essentially gave victory to Abiy's central government on a silver platter. Their reward, however, was far from generous. Instead, Fano was rightly seen by the government as a powerful force that jeopardized its national agenda, which can be briefly summarized as marginalizing Amhara citizens to the benefit of Oromo elites.
The Pretoria Peace deal was a masterpiece in deception because it awarded juicy benefits to both losers of the war: the TPLF and Abiy Ahmed's central government. The Fano were left out in the cold. Fast-forward a year and the dynamics at play are so cynical as to numb even Machiavelli. Now we have the central government in cahoots with the TPLF attacking Fano. The idea was to wipe out Fano entirely, but alas, reality has proven too stubborn. The Amhara militia has stood its ground and, once again, taught both attacking parties a valuable lesson: attack our people at your own peril.
Seeing how a military option has failed, they have whined to their paymasters in Washington for help. And here we are today: with Mike Hammer revisiting Ethiopia to iron out a deal between two sides: 1) Abiy and TPLF and 2) Fano.
Here are a few tips for Mike Hammer which may help him in his peace-making efforts:
- The so-called Ethiopian army is no longer that and has been effectively converted by Abiy into an OPDO/OLF Oromo para-military. And a very bad one at that, capable of large-scale killing of Amhara citizens but useless when facing an armed force.
- The TPLF army may have been weakened by the bloody civil war but it has recently been re-organized and strengthened particularly with the intention to re-take Welkait.
- Abiy and TPLF are waging a genocidal war on the Amhara people and Fano is fighting for survival.
- Hence, Abiy has in effect invaded Amhara region with the express objective of subjugating Amhara citizens who therefore have the right to demand the withdrawal of so-called federal troops from the region as a precondition for Mike Hammer's peace efforts to have any chance of success.
- The unconstitutional state of emergency imposed by Abiy Ahmed on the Amhara region must be immediately lifted.
- The Amhara people should be allowed to form their own transitional administration.
- Therefore, the leadership recently appointed by Abiy Ahmed for the Amhara region should be quickly annulled.
- Above all, Mike Hammer should be brave enough to raise the question of accountability for the innumerable atrocity crimes and other human and democratic rights violations committed under the Abiy regime.
A personal call on Mike Hammer would say that if you want to make real peace in Ethiopia, please ask your boss, president Biden, to give Abiy Ahmed political asylum in your great country. The Amhara gave Abiy Ahmed the golden opportunity on a silver platter to govern Ethiopia fairly and democratically but he willfully opted for the destruction of Ethiopia and wanton civil war, bloodshed and carnage of the most horrific type. By all means go ahead and try to make peace in Ethiopia but remember that when you shake hands with Abiy Ahmed, you are shaking the heavily blood -stained hand of one of the most notorious genociders of all time and that you are doing it for the sake of the noble cause of making and probably forging peace in the Horn of Africa.
(In collaboration with my brother TG)
https://zehabesha.com/mike-hammer-to-revisit-ethiopia-to-mend-his-flawed-pretoria-peace-deal/
Tsegaye Tegenu, PhD
2023-08-30
The context for preparing this strategic vision document is Ethiopia's admission to the BRICS block at a time when the country faces sever challenges of social and political instability. BRICS offer trade and investment opportunities through the use of local currencies. Trade and financial transaction between countries, however, requires a conducive environment of macroeconomic and political stability to reduce uncertainty and risk. In Part One I will discuss the nature and root causes of macroeconomic and political instability in Ethiopia as background to the forthcoming economic strategic vision document, covering a generation, an average period of 20-25 years.
Chronic macroeconomic instability
Macroeconomic instability refers to a situation in an economy characterized by significant fluctuations and uncertainties in key macroeconomic indicators, such as GDP growth, unemployment rates, inflation, exchange rates, and fiscal deficits. In what follows, I will try to summarize the long-term patterns and trends of these common macroeconomic indicators.
Formulärets överkant
GDP Growth
In the past two decades Ethiopia has relatively registered notable economic growth. Real GDP growth between 2000 and 2019 averaged 8,8% while real GDP per capita in the same period was about 6,3%. But this economic growth is a result of public investment and debt in infrastructure. It was the service and construction sectors that benefited from the public investment. The service sector (41%), and not the manufacturing sector (7%) was the major driver of GDP growth. That means growth was not the result of structural transformation, namely reallocation of labor and capital from subsistent agriculture to manufacturing sector.
The relatively growth contribution of the manufacturing sector (7%) is not even a result of total factor productivity of the sector, (output per worker) which measures the technological efficiency of firms. The contribution was a result of heavy investment in tangible assets such as buildings and machinery. It is possible that inefficient firms with political connections have benefited from subsidized credit of the government development bank.
Economic growth, if taken as a goal, it means a rise in the goods and services available for consumption per capita, per person. The lack of structural transformation and absence of firm efficiency (misallocation of capital and labor) shows economic growth in Ethiopia is not sustainable.
Underemployment and Unemployment
In 2022, the total labor force in Ethiopia (the sum of all persons of working age who are employed and those who are unemployed) was 60 million. According to the IOM (2021), Labour and Migration Survey, the employment to population ratio is 59.5 percent. This means, 60 percent of the total population aged ten years and above are employed.
The majority of the employed person are in subsistence agriculture and informal economy. That means the majority of employment is not in commercial farming and manufacturing sector that follows established rules and contracts. In other words, 60 million employed persons in subsistence (land-based economy) and informal economy face challenges of providing their basic needs. Moreover, in such types of employment, workers are not fully utilizing their skills, education and potential, leading to suboptimal outcomes in terms of job satisfaction, income, and overall economic productivity.
The subsistence and informal economy do not have a potential for absorbing surplus labor. The survey result reveals the there are four million unemployed people in the economically active age group. The rate of unemployment in urban areas is 18 percent, with a higher unemployment rate amongst females (25 percent). The comparisons of unemployment between urban and rural indicate that unemployment is a predominant problem of urban areas more than rural areas.
General inflation
Inflation measures a rise in the overall price level of goods and services in a given economy. It is a decline of purchasing power of Ethiopian Birr. An item that cost 100 birrs in 1966 costs 11,128 birrs at the beginning of 2022.
Average annual inflation for Ethiopia between 2015 and 2019 was 11.3%; the corresponding figures for low middle-income countries and Sub-Saharan Africa were 3.4% and 4.4% respectively. Similarly, average inflation for 2018 and 2019 was 14%. In a country where a quarter of the population lives under the poverty line, double digit inflation puts significant strain on the livelihood of people, particularly on wage earners of the population whose income can rarely cope with inflation rates. High inflation also raises the real exchange rate, reducing the competitiveness of exports.
High inflation has remained a major source of concern in recent years. Several factors have contributed to the recent inflation, such as policy changes, increment in world price, drought and political instability in the region.
Currency Depreciation
Currency depreciation refers to a decrease in the value of Birr relative to US dollar and Euro in the foreign exchange market. Since the implementation of the floating exchange rate in the early 1990s, the Ethiopian Birr has been steadily depreciating. In 2010 the National Bank of Ethiopia devaluated Birr by 20%. In 2017 a second nominal devaluation took place; the government depreciate the birr currency rate by 15%. The government used exchange rate policy as one available tool to boost the growth of the country’s export sector and economic growth in the country. But this did not happen.
The Birr’s depreciation increased the existing demand for goods and there was no excess domestic capacity to meet the domestic and export demand. Instead, the devaluation measure raised the cost of production for state and private owned enterprises that rely heavily on imported intermediate/capital goods (inputs). More money was required to pay for the same amount of foreign goods. Not only that the birr’s depreciation worsens the country’s current balance of payments position, the measure did not lead to improved trade balances. As one study suggested “there is no significant gain from international trade to justify currency depreciation in Ethiopia”.
Budget Deficits and Government Debt
General government debt of Ethiopia refers to the debts of the federal government, regional states, municipalities and public sector institutions. According to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, Ethiopia recorded a Government Budget deficit equal to 4 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2022.
The government debt in the period from 2000 to 2021 was between 7.7 billion and 58.9 billion USD. The highest level was reached last years at 60 billion US Dollar. Based on the number of inhabitants, this is a debt of 500 USD per person. Public expenditure is the main driver of government debt. According to one study “several big projects launched by the government of Ethiopia consumes more time and budgets than the allocated amount because of poor leadership and corruption”.
To sum up, high inflation, high urban unemployment, high underemployment, low wages, high fiscal deficit, low productivity trap and lack of structural transformation characterize the Ethiopian economy. Because these well-being and growth issues are not properly addressed, we have a situation of political instability.
Chronic political instability
Ethiopia has experienced significant political instability in its modern history. There were student movements and protest, a revolution, coup d'état, armed struggle of liberation movements, political repression, mass arrest and killings, ethnic conflicts, religious tensions, media suppression, corruption, etc. all leading to regime changes and disruption of institutions.
There are several factors contributing to the political instability in the country. The primary factor is the economic instability mentioned above. Household poverty, economic shortages, unemployment and economic stress led to dissatisfaction among the population. The demand for better economic condition was and is led by political elite obsessed with radical solutions, full control and regulation of the civil society and the market.
The second source of political instability is related to the collective behavior of the majority of Ethiopian political elite which has non-participatory culture. The political elite is obsessed with ideology, local identity, suspicion on claims and zero-sum cognition.
Since the middle of the 1990s, the political culture of the elite has coincided with the period of youth bulge, the third source of political instability. In youth bulge countries there is a potential for occurrence of conflicts if and when the proportion of youth bulge exceeds 20% of the adult population. In the case of Ethiopia, it is about 50% of the adult population.
Making the livelihood of youth bulge is directly dependent on resource entitlements such as rights to basic needs, economic assets and opportunities. Since entitlement relationships are embedded in power relationships, the political elite used the youth bulge opportunity to assume power and advance its own interest. The coincidence of youth bulge with the collective behavior of the political is another factor of political instability.
The fourth source of political instability is external enemies of the country and wars caused by geo-political factors such as the Red Sea coast, the Nile water and religion. The geo-political situation of the country has caused external aggression and threat since the second half of the nineteenth century. So long us the given geo-political situation exists, it is unavoidable to be preoccupied in building the fiscal and military base of the state and this will reinforce state functionality.
To conclude, the macroeconomic and political instability in the country have become chronic; they have persisted and extended over a long period of time. It is not possible to address them through short-term solutions and interventions. The situation requires a comprehensive approach involving root cause analysis, and formation of strategic vision and goals that address the complex and systematic issues over long period of time, covering a generation, an average period of 20-25 years.
Bibliography
UNDP (2023), From Debt to Development: What are Ethiopia’s Choices? Ethiopia: Working Paper Series. No.3.
Ethiopian Economics Association (2022), State of the Ethiopian Economy 2022/23. Retrieve from:
Ethiopian Economics Association (2021), State of the Ethiopian Economy 2020/21. Economic Development, Population Dynamics, and Welfare. Retrieve from
Human Rights Watch (2023), “They Fired on Us Like Rain
IOM (2023), Ethiopia National Displacement Report 16. Addis Ababa
IOM (2021), Labour Force and Migration Survey. Key Findings. Addis Ababa
Tiblets Nguse, Betgilu Oshora, Maria Fekete-Farkas, Anita Tangl and Goshu Desalegn (2021), Does the Exchange Rate and Its Volatility Matter for International Trade in Ethiopia? In Journal of Risk and Financial Management.
Tsegaye Tegenu (2010), Problems of Institutional Instability and Green Revolution Bureaucracy in Ethiopia.
Tsegaye Tegenu (2016), Youth Bulge, Policy Choice, Ideological Trap and Domestic Political Unrest in Ethiopia.
https://zehabesha.com/economic-strategic-vision-roadmap-for-ethiopia-part-one/
Economic Strategic Vision Roadmap for Ethiopia: Part One
Tsegaye Tegenu, PhD
2023-08-30
The context for preparing this strategic vision document is Ethiopia's admission to the BRICS block at a time when the country faces sever challenges of social and political instability. BRICS offer trade and investment opportunities through the use of local currencies. Trade and financial transaction between countries, however, requires a conducive environment of macroeconomic and political stability to reduce uncertainty and risk. In Part One I will discuss the nature and root causes of macroeconomic and political instability in Ethiopia as background to the forthcoming economic strategic vision document, covering a generation, an average period of 20-25 years.
Chronic macroeconomic instability
Macroeconomic instability refers to a situation in an economy characterized by significant fluctuations and uncertainties in key macroeconomic indicators, such as GDP growth, unemployment rates, inflation, exchange rates, and fiscal deficits. In what follows, I will try to summarize the long-term patterns and trends of these common macroeconomic indicators.
Formulärets överkant
GDP Growth
In the past two decades Ethiopia has relatively registered notable economic growth. Real GDP growth between 2000 and 2019 averaged 8,8% while real GDP per capita in the same period was about 6,3%. But this economic growth is a result of public investment and debt in infrastructure. It was the service and construction sectors that benefited from the public investment. The service sector (41%), and not the manufacturing sector (7%) was the major driver of GDP growth. That means growth was not the result of structural transformation, namely reallocation of labor and capital from subsistent agriculture to manufacturing sector.
The relatively growth contribution of the manufacturing sector (7%) is not even a result of total factor productivity of the sector, (output per worker) which measures the technological efficiency of firms. The contribution was a result of heavy investment in tangible assets such as buildings and machinery. It is possible that inefficient firms with political connections have benefited from subsidized credit of the government development bank.
Economic growth, if taken as a goal, it means a rise in the goods and services available for consumption per capita, per person. The lack of structural transformation and absence of firm efficiency (misallocation of capital and labor) shows economic growth in Ethiopia is not sustainable.
Underemployment and Unemployment
In 2022, the total labor force in Ethiopia (the sum of all persons of working age who are employed and those who are unemployed) was 60 million. According to the IOM (2021), Labour and Migration Survey, the employment to population ratio is 59.5 percent. This means, 60 percent of the total population aged ten years and above are employed.
The majority of the employed person are in subsistence agriculture and informal economy. That means the majority of employment is not in commercial farming and manufacturing sector that follows established rules and contracts. In other words, 60 million employed persons in subsistence (land-based economy) and informal economy face challenges of providing their basic needs. Moreover, in such types of employment, workers are not fully utilizing their skills, education and potential, leading to suboptimal outcomes in terms of job satisfaction, income, and overall economic productivity.
The subsistence and informal economy do not have a potential for absorbing surplus labor. The survey result reveals the there are four million unemployed people in the economically active age group. The rate of unemployment in urban areas is 18 percent, with a higher unemployment rate amongst females (25 percent). The comparisons of unemployment between urban and rural indicate that unemployment is a predominant problem of urban areas more than rural areas.
General inflation
Inflation measures a rise in the overall price level of goods and services in a given economy. It is a decline of purchasing power of Ethiopian Birr. An item that cost 100 birrs in 1966 costs 11,128 birrs at the beginning of 2022.
Average annual inflation for Ethiopia between 2015 and 2019 was 11.3%; the corresponding figures for low middle-income countries and Sub-Saharan Africa were 3.4% and 4.4% respectively. Similarly, average inflation for 2018 and 2019 was 14%. In a country where a quarter of the population lives under the poverty line, double digit inflation puts significant strain on the livelihood of people, particularly on wage earners of the population whose income can rarely cope with inflation rates. High inflation also raises the real exchange rate, reducing the competitiveness of exports.
High inflation has remained a major source of concern in recent years. Several factors have contributed to the recent inflation, such as policy changes, increment in world price, drought and political instability in the region.
Currency Depreciation
Currency depreciation refers to a decrease in the value of Birr relative to US dollar and Euro in the foreign exchange market. Since the implementation of the floating exchange rate in the early 1990s, the Ethiopian Birr has been steadily depreciating. In 2010 the National Bank of Ethiopia devaluated Birr by 20%. In 2017 a second nominal devaluation took place; the government depreciate the birr currency rate by 15%. The government used exchange rate policy as one available tool to boost the growth of the country’s export sector and economic growth in the country. But this did not happen.
The Birr’s depreciation increased the existing demand for goods and there was no excess domestic capacity to meet the domestic and export demand. Instead, the devaluation measure raised the cost of production for state and private owned enterprises that rely heavily on imported intermediate/capital goods (inputs). More money was required to pay for the same amount of foreign goods. Not only that the birr’s depreciation worsens the country’s current balance of payments position, the measure did not lead to improved trade balances. As one study suggested “there is no significant gain from international trade to justify currency depreciation in Ethiopia”.
Budget Deficits and Government Debt
General government debt of Ethiopia refers to the debts of the federal government, regional states, municipalities and public sector institutions. According to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, Ethiopia recorded a Government Budget deficit equal to 4 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2022.
The government debt in the period from 2000 to 2021 was between 7.7 billion and 58.9 billion USD. The highest level was reached last years at 60 billion US Dollar. Based on the number of inhabitants, this is a debt of 500 USD per person. Public expenditure is the main driver of government debt. According to one study “several big projects launched by the government of Ethiopia consumes more time and budgets than the allocated amount because of poor leadership and corruption”.
To sum up, high inflation, high urban unemployment, high underemployment, low wages, high fiscal deficit, low productivity trap and lack of structural transformation characterize the Ethiopian economy. Because these well-being and growth issues are not properly addressed, we have a situation of political instability.
Chronic political instability
Ethiopia has experienced significant political instability in its modern history. There were student movements and protest, a revolution, coup d'état, armed struggle of liberation movements, political repression, mass arrest and killings, ethnic conflicts, religious tensions, media suppression, corruption, etc. all leading to regime changes and disruption of institutions.
There are several factors contributing to the political instability in the country. The primary factor is the economic instability mentioned above. Household poverty, economic shortages, unemployment and economic stress led to dissatisfaction among the population. The demand for better economic condition was and is led by political elite obsessed with radical solutions, full control and regulation of the civil society and the market.
The second source of political instability is related to the collective behavior of the majority of Ethiopian political elite which has non-participatory culture. The political elite is obsessed with ideology, local identity, suspicion on claims and zero-sum cognition.
Since the middle of the 1990s, the political culture of the elite has coincided with the period of youth bulge, the third source of political instability. In youth bulge countries there is a potential for occurrence of conflicts if and when the proportion of youth bulge exceeds 20% of the adult population. In the case of Ethiopia, it is about 50% of the adult population.
Making the livelihood of youth bulge is directly dependent on resource entitlements such as rights to basic needs, economic assets and opportunities. Since entitlement relationships are embedded in power relationships, the political elite used the youth bulge opportunity to assume power and advance its own interest. The coincidence of youth bulge with the collective behavior of the political is another factor of political instability.
The fourth source of political instability is external enemies of the country and wars caused by geo-political factors such as the Red Sea coast, the Nile water and religion. The geo-political situation of the country has caused external aggression and threat since the second half of the nineteenth century. So long us the given geo-political situation exists, it is unavoidable to be preoccupied in building the fiscal and military base of the state and this will reinforce state functionality.
To conclude, the macroeconomic and political instability in the country have become chronic; they have persisted and extended over a long period of time. It is not possible to address them through short-term solutions and interventions. The situation requires a comprehensive approach involving root cause analysis, and formation of strategic vision and goals that address the complex and systematic issues over long period of time, covering a generation, an average period of 20-25 years.
Bibliography
UNDP (2023), From Debt to Development: What are Ethiopia’s Choices? Ethiopia: Working Paper Series. No.3.
Ethiopian Economics Association (2022), State of the Ethiopian Economy 2022/23. Retrieve from:
Ethiopian Economics Association (2021), State of the Ethiopian Economy 2020/21. Economic Development, Population Dynamics, and Welfare. Retrieve from
Human Rights Watch (2023), “They Fired on Us Like Rain
IOM (2023), Ethiopia National Displacement Report 16. Addis Ababa
IOM (2021), Labour Force and Migration Survey. Key Findings. Addis Ababa
Tiblets Nguse, Betgilu Oshora, Maria Fekete-Farkas, Anita Tangl and Goshu Desalegn (2021), Does the Exchange Rate and Its Volatility Matter for International Trade in Ethiopia? In Journal of Risk and Financial Management.
Tsegaye Tegenu (2010), Problems of Institutional Instability and Green Revolution Bureaucracy in Ethiopia.
Tsegaye Tegenu (2016), Youth Bulge, Policy Choice, Ideological Trap and Domestic Political Unrest in Ethiopia.
https://zehabesha.com/economic-strategic-vision-roadmap-for-ethiopia-part-one/
Tuesday, August 29, 2023
ለኢፌዴሪ ፍትህ ሚኒስትር
አዲስ አበባ
ጉዳዩ:- የሰብአዊ መብቶች ጥሰትን ይመለከታል
እኛ ስማችን ከዚህ ማመልከቻ ጋር አባሪ የተደረገው ቁጥራችን 34 የሆንን አማሮች በሕዝባችን ላይ የማያባራ ሁኔታ የሚፈፀመውን ማንነት ተኮር
ጭፍጨፋ የዘር ማፅዳት የዘር ፍጅት ግድያና ጅምላ ማፈናቀል እንዲሁም መንግሥታዊ አቅሞችን በመጠቀም ጭምር የሚፈፀሙ ዘር ተኮር መዋቅራዊና
ሥርአታዊ ሁሉን አቀፍ ጥቃቶችን በመቃወማችን የሕግ የሞራልና የተፈጥሮ ኃላፊነታችንን በመወጣታችንምክንያት ተደራራቢ የሆኑ ከፍተኛ የሰብአዊ መብቶች
ጥሰቶች እየተፈፀመብን ይገኛል::
፩: ያለምንም ወንጀል አማራነታችን እንደወንጀል ተቆጥሮ ከተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ ክፍሎች ሕግን ባልተከተለ መንገድ በመንግስት የፀጥታ ኃይሎች ታፍነን በጅምላ ታግተን እንገኛለን::
፪: በፀጥታ ኃይሎች እገታ በተፈፀመብን ወቅት ከፍተኛ ድብደባ አማራነታችን እየተጠቀሰ አዋራጅ ዘለፋ ስድብና ዛቻ ተፈጽሞብናል::
፫: በፌድራል ወንጀል ምርመራ ቢሮ ከታገትንበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ ብሔር ተኮር ዘለፋ ማስፈራራት የግድያ ዛቻ እንዲሁም በጨለማ ክፍል ማሰርን ጨምሮ ቤተሰብ ማንገላታትና ዛቻ የዕለት ተዕለት ሰቆቃ ሆነውብናል::
ከዚህ በከፋ መልኩ መሳሪያ የታጠቁ የፀጥታ ኃይሎች በሕይዎት የመኖር መብታችንን ለመንጠቅ የሚያደርጉት እንቅስቃሴ የከፋ ተጋላጭ አድርጎናል::
፬: ፍርድ ቤት የመቅረብ የሕግ ጠበቃ የማማከር የሃይማኖት አባት የማግኘት እንዲሁም በቤተሰብና ጎብኝዎች የመጠየቅ ሰብአዊ መብቶቻችን ሙሉ
በሙሉ ተገድበው ይገኛሉ::
በመሆኑም የፍትህ ሚኒስቴር ከላይ በዝርዝር ያስቀመጥናቸውን እጅግ አስከፊ የሰብአዊ መብቶች ጥሰቶች ባስቸኳይ ማስተካከያ እንዲደረግባቸው በሕግ የተጣለበትን ኃላፊነት እንዲወጣ እየጠየቅን ይህ አቤቱታ በግልባጭ የተደረገላችሁ ሀገራዊአህጉራዊና አለማቀፋዊተቁአማት የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት አለማቀፍ የሰብአዊ መብት መርሆችን አክብሮ እንዲንቀሳቀስና በአማራ ሕዝብ ላይ የሚፈፅመውን ማንነት ተኮር ጥቃት እና ጭፍጨፋ እንዲያቆም ታሪካዊ ኃላፊነታችሁንትወጡ ዘንድ እንጠይቃለን::
ከሠላምታ ጋር
የማይነበብ ፊርማ
ግልባጭ:
ለኢፌዴሪ የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት
ለኢፌዴሪ የፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት
ለኢፌዴሪ ጠቅላይ ፍርድ ቤት
ለኢፌዴሪ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር ጽ/ቤት
ለኢትዮጵያ ሰብአዊ መብቶች ኮሚሽን
ለኢትዮጵያ እንባ ጠባቂ ተቁአም
ለአፍሪካ ህብረት ኮሚሽን
ለአውሮፓ ህብረት
ለተመድ ሰብአዊ መብቶች ኮሚሽን
ለዩናይትድ ስቴትስ መንግሥት
ለብሪታኒያ መንግሥት
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185580
የአዶልፊ ሂትለር ውድቀት በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የተፋጠነው፣ የናዚ የደህንነት መስሪያቤት ዋና ሃላፊ በመሆንና የይሁዳወችን ጭፍጨፋ በዋናነት በማቀናበር የሂትለር ቀኝ እጅ የነበረውን ራይንሃርድ ሃይድሪክ (Reinhard Heydrich) የሚባለውን እኩይ ግለሰብ፣ የቸኮዝላቫኪያ አርበኞች ዘመቻ እንትሮፖድ (Operation Anthropod) በሚባል ሃይድሪክ ላይ ብቻ ባነጣጠረ ልዩ ዘመቻ (special operation) መንገድ ላይ ሸምቀው ከገደሉት በኋላ ነበር።
የበላዔ አማራው የጭራቅ አሕመድ ቀኝ እጅ ደግሞ የደህንነት ኃላፊው ተመስገን ጡሩነህ ነው። ይህ በከረረ (chronic) የማንነትና የምንነት በሽታ እጅጉን የሚሰቃይ መፃጉዕ ግለሰብ፣ የጭራቅ አሕመድ ባልደረባ ብቻ ሳይሆን በጭራቅ አሕመድ የተሰለበ ጃንደረባም ጭምር ነው። ነውረኛው ጭራቅ አሕመድ ነውር አስለምዶት በነውር ፍቅር ያሰረው የጭራቅ አሕመድ ነውረኛ ፍቅረኛ ወይም የጭን ገረድ ነው ቢባል ደግሞ ከእውነት የራቀ አይሆንም።
ጭራቅ አሕመድ ተገዳዳሪ የሌለው ፈላጭ ቆራጭ እንዲሆን ለማድረግ፣ የነ ዶክተር አምባቸውንና ጀነራል አሳምነውን ግድያ በዋናነት ያቀናበረው ይሄው የጭራቅ አሕመድ የነውር ፍቅረኛ የሆነው ነውረኛው ተመስገን ጡሩነህ ነው። እነ ጀነራል አሳምነውን ገድሎ ያማራ ክልል ፕሬዚዳንት ከሆነ በኋላ ደግሞ ብቸኛ ሥራው ታላላቅ የፋኖ ጀግኖችን እያሳደደ መግደል ነበር። አሁን ላይ ደግሞ ያማራ ክልል ኮማንድ ፖስት መሪ በመሆን፣ ያማራን ሰላማዊ ዜጎች በድሽቃ፣ በመድፍ፣ በታንክ፣ በጀትና በንቦቴ (drone) የሚጨፈጨፈው ይህ የጭራቅ አሕመድ የጭን ገረድ የሆነ፣ በነውር የተጨመላለቀ ሸለመጥማጥ ግለሰብ ነው፡፡
ተመስገን ጡሩነህ በሂወት የሚኖርባት እያንዳንዷ ዕለት እልፍ አእላፍ አማሮች የሚጨፈጨፉባት ዕለት ናት። ስለዚህም፣ ያማራን ሕዝብ ጭፍጨፋ ባስቸኳይ በማቆም የጭራቅ አሕመድን ውድቀት ለማፋጥን፣ ተመስገን ጡሩነህን በልዩ ዘመቻ (special operation) በማናቸውም አስፈላጊ መንገድ ማስወገድ ይዋል ይደር መባል የለበትም።
መስፍን አረጋ
mesfin.arega@gmail.com
መምህር ፋንታሁን ዋቄ ስለአማራ መገፋትና የፋኖ ትግል የኢትዮጵያ ተስፋ ስለመሆኑ ምስክርነት።
መምህር ፋንታሁን ዋቄ ስለአማራ መገፋትና የፋኖ ትግል የኢትዮጵያ ተስፋ ስለመሆኑ ምስክርነት። pic.twitter.com/a25nz9s1CH
— ተsfaye (@Sonofgihon) August 28, 2023
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185554
More than 180 killed in clashes in Ethiopia’s Amhara region since July, says UN
At least 183 people have been killed since July in clashes in Ethiopia's Amhara region, the United Nations said Tuesday as it appealed for the killings, violence and rights abuses to end.
"We are very concerned by the deteriorating human rights situation in some regions of Ethiopia," UN Human Rights Office spokeswoman Marta Hurtado told reporters in Geneva.
"In Amhara region, following a flare-up in clashes between the Ethiopian military and the regional Fano militia, and the declaration of a state of emergency on August 4, the situation worsened considerably."
"At least 183 people have been killed in clashes since July, according to information gathered by the UN Human Rights Office."
Tension in the Amhara region ratcheted up this year after the end of a devastating war in neighbouring Tigray that also drew in fighters from Amhara.
In April the federal government announced it was dismantling regional forces across the country.
The move triggered protests by Amhara nationalists who said it would weaken their region.
Clashes erupted in early July between the national army and local fighters known as Fano, prompting the authorities in Addis Ababa on August 4 to declare a six-month state of emergency.
The status gives the authorities broad powers to arrest suspects without a court order, impose curfews and ban public gatherings, Hurtado said.
"We have received reports that more than 1,000 people have been arrested across Ethiopia under this law. Many of those detained were reported to be young people of Amhara ethnic origin suspected of being Fano supporters," she said.
"Since early August, mass house-to-house searches have reportedly been taking place."
"We call on the authorities to stop mass arrests, ensure that any deprivation of liberty is judicially reviewed, and release those arbitrarily detained."
She added: "We call on all actors to stop killings, other violations and abuses."
(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
https://zehabesha.com/more-than-180-killed-in-clashes-in-ethiopias-amhara-region-since-july-says-un/
Laetitia Bader
Director, HRW Horn of Africa
Since armed conflict broke out in Tigray in late 2020, the European Union has said that accountability would be central to any renewed engagement with the Ethiopian government. So have its member states. During a January 2023 trip to Ethiopia, Annalena Baerbock, Germany’s foreign minister, said it was essential to address human rights violations to enable reconciliation.
When the fighting was at its peak, the EU helped push the needle on accountability. It spearheaded the establishment of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia, an independent inquiry collecting and preserving evidence of international crimes for future prosecutions under the United Nations Human Rights Council.
With the commission’s renewal up for discussion at the Human Rights Council in September, the jury is still out on whether the EU and its member states will continue to support critical investigations. Or, instead, seek smoother relations with Ethiopia and accept Ethiopia’s largely window-dressing accountability measures, which are unlikely to secure victims’ access to credible justice.
Ethiopia’s conflict has been brutal. The warring parties have broken every rule in the book, committing mass summary killings, sexual violence, and deliberately attacking healthcare facilities. The federal government and its allies have used starvation as a weapon of war in Tigray and oversaw an ethnic cleansing campaign.
Despite a ceasefire agreement in late 2022, Eritrean forces controlling parts of Tigray have obstructed humanitarian access while Amhara forces continued to commit ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans from Western Tigray Zone.
Elsewhere in Ethiopia, civilians are still bearing the brunt of hostilities. Since April, civilians in the Amhara region have been caught up in fighting between the Ethiopian military and Amhara militias; the federal government recently declared a sweeping state of emergency there. In Oromia, an abusive counterinsurgency campaign against an armed group has been underway since 2019.
The government has fiercely opposed calls for independent investigations of atrocities during the conflict in northern Ethiopia, while failing to deliver credible justice and redress. The government has repeatedly sought to shut down independent investigations, including an African Union inquiry, and has callously controlled what rights reporting has been allowed to take place, apparently to shield its forces and allies from accountability.
As reports of atrocities mounted in early 2021, the government finally agreed to an investigation on its terms. It accepted a joint investigation by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights alongside the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. To follow up on that report, which failed to produce a full reckoning of events, the government then set up a task force to oversee redress and accountability measures. But the task force has not released its findings into events in Tigray.
Almost three years after the outbreak of conflict in northern Ethiopia, victims of some of the most serious abuses are no closer to seeing meaningful accountability. The government has repeatedly referred to a handful of prosecutions before the military courts, without any clarity about the rank of the accused, the nature of the crimes, or the outcome of those cases.
That the government has not meaningfully followed up on investigations is no surprise. Successive Ethiopian governments have never allowed for credible investigations into past or more recent serious violations, or implemented genuine measures that would ensure key elements of transitional justice.
More recently, the government has allowed the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to monitor abuses in northern Ethiopia. But monitoring cannot replace the sort of in-depth investigations and evidence preservation work that an international investigative mechanism is mandated to do.
The government of course knows the difference. It has used every tool in the box to derail international action and undermine the international commission’s work-- denying investigators access to conflict-affected areas, attempting to get the commission defunded on two occasions, and lobbying to prematurely terminate its mandate.
Since early January, the government has conveniently pivoted toward a transitional justice process that emphasizes reconciliation and downplays criminal prosecutions.
Some EU and member states diplomats argue that they should give the Ethiopian government a chance to demonstrate its willingness to ensure transitional justice. But they’ve also resigned themselves to a very low bar of domestic accountability steps.
In their April 2023 conclusions on the future of EU engagement with Ethiopia, EU foreign ministers largely overlooked the lack of progress on domestic accountability and even failed to publicly call on the Ethiopian government to cooperate with the commission.
And yet, the EU knows that without building a strong foundation of evidence, there will be no meaningful justice for war crimes domestically or internationally. As abuses continue in Ethiopia, that evidence is unlikely to be collected without continued and robust independent investigations that are willing to identify responsible actors who should be held to account.
At the Human Rights Council in September, the EU needs to show leadership to rally support for meaningful accountability down the line by pushing for the renewal of the international commission. Anything less would be an abnegation of the very commitments that EU leaders at the highest levels have made and would send a clear message that victims’ calls for credible justice don’t count.
https://zehabesha.com/will-the-eu-and-its-members-stand-for-justice-in-ethiopia/
Director, HRW Horn of Africa
Since armed conflict broke out in Tigray in late 2020, the European Union has said that accountability would be central to any renewed engagement with the Ethiopian government. So have its member states. During a January 2023 trip to Ethiopia, Annalena Baerbock, Germany’s foreign minister, said it was essential to address human rights violations to enable reconciliation.
When the fighting was at its peak, the EU helped push the needle on accountability. It spearheaded the establishment of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia, an independent inquiry collecting and preserving evidence of international crimes for future prosecutions under the United Nations Human Rights Council.
With the commission’s renewal up for discussion at the Human Rights Council in September, the jury is still out on whether the EU and its member states will continue to support critical investigations. Or, instead, seek smoother relations with Ethiopia and accept Ethiopia’s largely window-dressing accountability measures, which are unlikely to secure victims’ access to credible justice.
Ethiopia’s conflict has been brutal. The warring parties have broken every rule in the book, committing mass summary killings, sexual violence, and deliberately attacking healthcare facilities. The federal government and its allies have used starvation as a weapon of war in Tigray and oversaw an ethnic cleansing campaign.
Despite a ceasefire agreement in late 2022, Eritrean forces controlling parts of Tigray have obstructed humanitarian access while Amhara forces continued to commit ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans from Western Tigray Zone.
Elsewhere in Ethiopia, civilians are still bearing the brunt of hostilities. Since April, civilians in the Amhara region have been caught up in fighting between the Ethiopian military and Amhara militias; the federal government recently declared a sweeping state of emergency there. In Oromia, an abusive counterinsurgency campaign against an armed group has been underway since 2019.
The government has fiercely opposed calls for independent investigations of atrocities during the conflict in northern Ethiopia, while failing to deliver credible justice and redress. The government has repeatedly sought to shut down independent investigations, including an African Union inquiry, and has callously controlled what rights reporting has been allowed to take place, apparently to shield its forces and allies from accountability.
As reports of atrocities mounted in early 2021, the government finally agreed to an investigation on its terms. It accepted a joint investigation by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights alongside the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. To follow up on that report, which failed to produce a full reckoning of events, the government then set up a task force to oversee redress and accountability measures. But the task force has not released its findings into events in Tigray.
Almost three years after the outbreak of conflict in northern Ethiopia, victims of some of the most serious abuses are no closer to seeing meaningful accountability. The government has repeatedly referred to a handful of prosecutions before the military courts, without any clarity about the rank of the accused, the nature of the crimes, or the outcome of those cases.
That the government has not meaningfully followed up on investigations is no surprise. Successive Ethiopian governments have never allowed for credible investigations into past or more recent serious violations, or implemented genuine measures that would ensure key elements of transitional justice.
More recently, the government has allowed the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to monitor abuses in northern Ethiopia. But monitoring cannot replace the sort of in-depth investigations and evidence preservation work that an international investigative mechanism is mandated to do.
The government of course knows the difference. It has used every tool in the box to derail international action and undermine the international commission’s work-- denying investigators access to conflict-affected areas, attempting to get the commission defunded on two occasions, and lobbying to prematurely terminate its mandate.
Since early January, the government has conveniently pivoted toward a transitional justice process that emphasizes reconciliation and downplays criminal prosecutions.
Some EU and member states diplomats argue that they should give the Ethiopian government a chance to demonstrate its willingness to ensure transitional justice. But they’ve also resigned themselves to a very low bar of domestic accountability steps.
In their April 2023 conclusions on the future of EU engagement with Ethiopia, EU foreign ministers largely overlooked the lack of progress on domestic accountability and even failed to publicly call on the Ethiopian government to cooperate with the commission.
And yet, the EU knows that without building a strong foundation of evidence, there will be no meaningful justice for war crimes domestically or internationally. As abuses continue in Ethiopia, that evidence is unlikely to be collected without continued and robust independent investigations that are willing to identify responsible actors who should be held to account.
At the Human Rights Council in September, the EU needs to show leadership to rally support for meaningful accountability down the line by pushing for the renewal of the international commission. Anything less would be an abnegation of the very commitments that EU leaders at the highest levels have made and would send a clear message that victims’ calls for credible justice don’t count.
https://zehabesha.com/will-the-eu-and-its-members-stand-for-justice-in-ethiopia/
More than 180 killed in clashes in Ethiopia’s Amhara region since July, says UN
At least 183 people have been killed since July in clashes in Ethiopia's Amhara region, the United Nations said Tuesday as it appealed for the killings, violence and rights abuses to end.
"We are very concerned by the deteriorating human rights situation in some regions of Ethiopia," UN Human Rights Office spokeswoman Marta Hurtado told reporters in Geneva.
"In Amhara region, following a flare-up in clashes between the Ethiopian military and the regional Fano militia, and the declaration of a state of emergency on August 4, the situation worsened considerably."
"At least 183 people have been killed in clashes since July, according to information gathered by the UN Human Rights Office."
Tension in the Amhara region ratcheted up this year after the end of a devastating war in neighbouring Tigray that also drew in fighters from Amhara.
In April the federal government announced it was dismantling regional forces across the country.
The move triggered protests by Amhara nationalists who said it would weaken their region.
Clashes erupted in early July between the national army and local fighters known as Fano, prompting the authorities in Addis Ababa on August 4 to declare a six-month state of emergency.
The status gives the authorities broad powers to arrest suspects without a court order, impose curfews and ban public gatherings, Hurtado said.
"We have received reports that more than 1,000 people have been arrested across Ethiopia under this law. Many of those detained were reported to be young people of Amhara ethnic origin suspected of being Fano supporters," she said.
"Since early August, mass house-to-house searches have reportedly been taking place."
"We call on the authorities to stop mass arrests, ensure that any deprivation of liberty is judicially reviewed, and release those arbitrarily detained."
She added: "We call on all actors to stop killings, other violations and abuses."
(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
https://zehabesha.com/more-than-180-killed-in-clashes-in-ethiopias-amhara-region-since-july-says-un/
Monday, August 28, 2023
Open Wars Against Amhara Tantamount to War Crime ---the US & EU must rebuke Abiy Ahmed’s tyranny.
Aklog Birara (Dr)
Part 4 of 6
“If none of us is prepared to die for freedom, then all of us will die under tyranny.”
Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny
Today, Amhara Fano are fighting the all-Ethiopian battle against tribalism, ethnonationalism, state and government induced theft, corruption, exclusion, cronyism, injustice, and tyranny. In the light of this, non-Amhara have a moral responsibility to join the struggle for lasting peace, stability, human dignity, the institutionalization, and implementation of the rule of law and democracy—essential ingredients for sustainable and equitable development in Ethiopia.
As we celebrate the 60Th anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King’s indelible “I have a dream” speech in Washington DC, I am reminded of another equally unforgettable speech on the “Two Americas” Dr. King gave at Stanford University in 1967. At the time I was attending George School, a private high school in Pennsylvania that had offered me a scholarship while on a Herald Tribune World Youth Forum tour.
Dr. King contrasted the two-America’s in the sharpest terms possible.
“I would like to use as a subject from which to speak this afternoon, the other America. And I use this subject because there are literally two Americas. One America is beautiful for our situation. And in a sense, this America is overflowing with the miracle of prosperity and the honey of opportunity. This America is the habitat of millions of people who have food and material necessities for their bodies and culture and education for their minds, and freedom and human dignity for their spirit. In America, millions of people experience every day the opportunity of having life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in all their dimensions. And in America, millions of young people grow up in the sunlight of opportunity.”
In contrast the other affluent America that still lingers to this day is “a lonely island of poverty.” Dr. King depicts the other America eloquently and calmly as follows:
“But tragically and unfortunately, there is another America. This other America has a daily ugliness about it that constantly transforms the buoyancy of hope into the fatigue of despair. In this America, millions of work-starved men walk the streets daily in search for jobs that do not exist. In this America, millions of people find themselves living in rat-infested, vermin-filled slums. In America, people are poor by the millions. And they find themselves perishing on a lonely island of poverty, in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.”
When I think of this speech, I think of the millions of Ethiopian children who have become victims of war, ethnic conflict, ethnic cleansing, and genocide in Ethiopia. I think of the 20 million Ethiopians who go hungry each day while their government purchases drones, tanks and other weapons of mass destruction used to frighten children and kill innocent civilians. I think of Ethiopia’s “leaders” who do not care how many of their soldiers die or are wounded or are captured let alone empathy for the victims inflicted by the tyrannical regime.
“In a sense, the greatest tragedy of this other America is what it does to other children. Little children in this other America are forced to grow up with clouds of inferiority, farming every day in their little mental skies. And as we look at this other America, we see it as an arena of blasted hopes and shattered dreams. Many people of various backgrounds live in this other America. Some are Mexican American, some are Puerto Ricans, some are Indians, some happen to be from other groups, millions of them are Appalachian whites. Probably the largest group in this other America, in proportion to its size and the population is the American Negro.”
I draw an important and relevant lesson for the conditions in Ethiopia from Dr. King’s speech. Exclusionary public policies that emanate from race or tribe or ethnicity are anathema to human dignity, to peace, stability, democracy, and shared prosperity. No country can establish one “nation, indivisible with liberty and justice for all” by treating one group as superior or inferior to another or by going back in history and holding the current generation accountable for tragedies of the past.
Equally, no country can establish durable peace and stability let alone prosperity by demonizing and targeting another ethnic group or by imposing one form of ethnic hegemony by another or by state and government sponsored war targeting innocent civilians. I mean, Oromo PP replacing TPLF.
As I write this commentary, the town of Debre Tabor, Ethiopia where I grew up is surrounded by Abiy’s army, shooting lethal weapons randomly at innocent civilians, including children This army has, I am told, garrisoned itself at the market on a hill top adjacent to a famous Church (Eyesus) that I used to frequent on major holidays when I was a child A close relative I was able to reach said, “We are surrounded. We hear shots in the middle of the night. Please pray for us.” The mayor of Debre Tabor has been arrested and jailed in the city of Bahir Dar. The reason for his arrest is an allegation that he is pro-Amhara cause and pro-Fano.
Since my contact with a resident in Debre Tabor, Abiy’s contingent in the city is on the verge of collapse. For example, Colonel Haile Mariam Gebre Egziabher, assigned to assault Debre Tabor city surrendered to and joined Fano along with his colleagues admitting that the war against the Amhara is unfair and unjust.
All Amhara deserve peace and not war. The people of Debre Tabor do not deserve such assault by Abiy’s invading and occupation army. This act is sickening with far reaching consequences for Ethiopia. Whether Abiy and his cronies accept it or not, Ethiopia’s military’s capabilities are being degraded because of this latest reckless war against Amhara. Thousands of soldiers are killed, thousands wounded, hundreds captured, and hundreds are surrendering to Fano and providing this force the requisite military hardware it needs desperately.
Fresh popular uprising against Abiy’s aggression is reported in the City of Gondar, Ebinat, Debre Marcos and other Amhara towns and cities. Fano freed three helicopters from Aiy’s army in Gojjam.
The latest war against Amhara diminishes our common humanity. It diminishes Ethiopia’s national institutions. It forces Ethiopia to negotiate its sovereign rights over the Blue Nille from a weak position.
This is why the Amhara cause is equally your cause. Abiy is using Ethiopia’s military to implement his Oromo Prosperity Party’s and the Oromo Liberation Front’s agenda of narrow ethnonationalist agenda throughout the Amhara regional state.
The city of Debre Tabor, where there is stiff popular resistance is the heart of Amhara land. This is why I call Aiy’s state of emergency proclamation Nazi-like. It targets a specific ethnic group, namely, Amhara.
The people of Debre Tabor have done nothing wrong to be assaulted day and night by Abiy Ahmed, his his Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party and the Amhara cadres and hired hands that operate in concert against the Amhara population. History will no doubt judge the persons and agencies harshly.
The pathology of Tribalism in Ethiopia
I would like to draw a parallel between the Nazi racist regime of Germany that killed six million Jews and the tyrannical ethno-nationalist regime of Abiy Ahmed that is accountable for slaughtering hundreds of thousands of Amhara. Both are genocidal acts. Both assume that a specific group of people do not deserve to exist: Jews under Nazi Germany and Amhara under Abiy’s Ahme’s Oromuma. I say Oromuma because the president of the Oromia regional state, Shimelis Abdissa acts as the shadow president of the Amhara region. He is the one who came up with the term “convince or confuse.” His repeated demeaning utterances fuel more anger and outrage against the regime in power.
I find practically nothing convincing in Shimelis Abdissa’s diatribe. For me, nothing he says is confusing. His utterances are not only tribal and ethnocentric, but they are also trivial as well as primitive. If he cared for the unity of the Ethiopian people, he would devote more time and attention by protecting the safety and security of all Ethiopians in his own region. He is part of the hit squad. His region is a hub of terrorism. His region is a hub of ethnic cleansing, genocide, and massive displacement.
Dr. King said this about Hitler. “Hitler was a sick and tragic man who carried racism to its logical conclusion, and he ended up leading a nation to the point of killing about six million Jews. And this is a tragedy of racism because its ultimate logic is genocide. If one says that I am not good enough to live next door to him, if one says that I am not good enough to eat at a lunch counter, to have a good, decent job or to go to school with him, merely because of my race, he is saying, consciously or unconsciously, that I do not deserve to exist. To use a philosophical analogy here, racism is not based on some empirical generalization. It is based, rather, on an ontological affirmation. It is not an assertion that certain people are behind, culturally, or otherwise, because of environmental conditions. It is the affirmation that the very being of a people is inferior. And this is a great tragedy of it. I say that however unpleasant it is, we must honestly see and admit that racism is still deeply rooted all over America.”
Tribalism or ethnonationalism is exclusionary. The Abiy regime is unrepentant in terms of its actions regardless of the number of innocent civilians killed or the amount of investment property destroyed by war.
I remind the reader that, in the two-year war with TPLF, over a million lives perished. The cost to the economy is now estimated at $28 billion. We do not know the number of innocent civilian deaths in the recent Abiy war against Amhara. We can estimate the cost of the war to be in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Is this not irresponsible, reckless, and ignorant? Does this not degrade Ethiopia’s national unity and subvert its territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national security?
Why are Amhara targeted for exclusion, for ethnic cleansing, for genocide and massive displacement? Why is there a deliberate degradation of Amhara institutions like the Amharic language, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the like.
First, we need to agree on a shared definition of Amhara.
Who is Amhara?
Amhara are historically defined as people of the Ethiopian central highlands. Amhara have spread throughout Ethiopia, intermingled with other ethnic groups over thousands of years. In terms of physical appearance, it is virtually impossible to distinguish Amhara from their non-Amhara peers. Their current number is estimated at between 50 and 60 million. At one time, Amhara and Oromo numbers were at par. Experts contend this number has changed. In any case, Amhara constitute the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia.
Amhara differentiates themselves from others in a few areas. “Their language is Amharic, a Semitic language of the Afro-Asiatic family, and their religion is Ethiopian Orthodox. Amhara, who have dominated the history of their country, descend from ancient Semitic conquerors who mingled with indigenous Cushitic peoples. They are agriculturalists and place great value on land ownership.” (Britanica)
Wikipedia identifies Amhara as “a Semitic-speaking ethnic group indigenous to Ethiopia, traditionally inhabiting parts of the northwest Highlands of Ethiopia, particularly inhabiting the Amhara Region. They are mostly Oriental Orthodox Christian (members of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church). Amhara are found within the Ethiopian expatriate community, particularly in North America. They speak Amharic, an Afro-Asiatic language of the Semitic branch which serves as the main and one of the five official languages of Ethiopia.”
There is no accurate and current demographic data that tells us the accurate number of Amhara throughout Ethiopia and the number of Amharic speakers. But both are huge. Amhara are without any doubt intermarried and intermingled with other ethnic groups. Their ultimate destiny as human beings and as Ethiopians is therefore interwoven with the destiny of other ethnic groups. In this regard, Amhara is not fighting for political hegemony.
Amhara is fighting for survival first, for equitable and fair treatment, justice, inclusive, good, and democratic governance second.
“Historically, the Amhara held significant political position in the Ethiopian Empire. They were at the origin of the Solomonic dynasty and all of Ethiopia emperors were Amhara except for Yohannes IV since the restoration of the Solomonic dynasty in 1270,” records Wikipedia. There is no nation on this planet that has not gone through civil wars and other upheavals with one formative group playing a substantial role in establishing the nation state.
Tragically, instead of being rewarded; Amhara are paying a huge price for the formation of Ethiopia, for preserving and defending Ethiopia’s national independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty, and honorable status on the global stage. Amhara are blamed for all types of wrongful acts perpetrated by local ethnic elites as well as for Ethiopia’s status as a poor and backward country.
Amhara have played a substantial role in modernizing Ethiopia. I shall offer one illustrative example why this is true. When I was a child, I received my early education from the local EOTC scholar who taught me to read and write. He taught me ethics, morality, and a code of conduct: the importance of family, country, fair treatment of others and treating elders with respect and leaders with reverence.
Blaming Amhara, war and more war are not the answer for the ills that Ethiopia continues to face.
I do not find an empowering or inclusionary quality in Prime Minister Abiy. On the other hand, I find Abiy’s Ahmed’s temperament to revert to war in resolving domestic political tensions, conflicts, ethnic polarization, and a myriad of other ills that afflict Ethiopian society as a non-starter. This doctrine is not only arrogant; it is also unwise and stupid. The longer this doctrine prevails, the deeper and wider Ethiopia’s problems!! The time to stop tyranny is now.
Taks one chilling example. The so-called Tigray War spanning two years—2020-2022--involved the Afar, Amhara and Tigray regions as well as the governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia. An AU, USA and EU brokered peace deal resulted in a formal cessation of hostilities, November 12, 2022. This was followed by an implementation deal in Nairobi, November 24, 2022. Under the second, TPLF agreed to disarm; but has not.
The war between TPLF on one side and Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and its primary domestic allies, Amhara Fano, Amhara Special Forces and Afar Special Forces as well as Eritrean Defense on the other took place after several months of informal negotiation, bickering, mutual suspicion, accusation and counter accusations and tensions.
Abiy Ahmed characterized the war with TPL as "law enforcement operations." This misnomer is repeated in dealing with the Oromo commandeered large scale invasion and the mayhem it caused in the Amhara region today. “Law enforcement operations” in the Amhara region, the most peaceful and most multiethnic state of the federation, defies logic. The peace-loving Amhara population, most of them rural farmers, do not deserve cruel punishment under the pretext of disarming Amhara Special Defense Forces and Amhara Fano.
I say this for a reason. Amhara is encircled. Amhara faces existential threats from all corners. If Amhara disarms, civilians become sitting ducks for more Amhara atrocities. The federal government is incapable and or unwilling to defend Amhara from being slaughtered like chickens in Oromia. It is reasonable to ask “Why are Abiy and his ruling Party adding insult to injury by attacking Amhara and declaring that Amhara Fano are destabilizing Ethiopia? “Ethiopia’s destabilizer is the regime itself.
Abiy Ahmed and his Prosperity Party show unmatched tolerance only to timid and subservient Amhara. This, in my assessment, is akin to modern day slavery. Your acceptance, legitimacy, status, and official position depend entirely on your loyalty. If you dissent you are fired or worse. This is the reason the Amhara Prosperity Party is literally gone. Changing the Amhara president will not restore trust and confidence in this lurid party or the region’s successive of subservient and treasonous leaders.
What is behind the cycle of Amhara presidents?
I would like for the international community to understand that the Amhara region suffers from a cycle of inexplicable leadership changes. The frequency of change is destabilizing. These destabilizing changes are made by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The sole criterion for appointments is unbridled loyalty to Abiy Ahmed and his Oromo dominated Prosperity Party.
Unlike the Oromia region that continues to enjoy stable leadership, Abiy Ahmed has changed presidents for the Amhara region six times in five years. The 6th appointee under the watch of Abiy Ahmed is selected because of loyalty and not based on either competence or dedication to serve the interests of the Amhara. This appointment is illegitimate because it is solely political.
The Amhara region faces imminent threat. Large tracts of the most fertile and strategic lands in Ethiopia were annexed forcibly by Sudan. TPLF threatens the region with another war. A few weeks ago, during his visit to Denver, USA, Tigray regional president Getachew Reda and his compatriot General Tsadikan, Chief of Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) announced that they have mobilized, battle-readied 270,000 Tigrean troops.
The irony is this. PM Abiy had informed the international community that TPLF had or was in the process of disarming. It has not. Making matters worse and facilitating quick TPLF victory, Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) vacated the Wolkait, Tegeder, Telemt and Raya area. This made the already vulnerable Amhara region ever more vulnerable.
In the latest political twist, on August 22, 2023, Ethiopia’s Defense Minister Abraha Belay issued a statement that “Ethiopia plans to organize a referendum to determine the status of territory disputed by the country's Tigray and Amhara regions.” He “vowed to dissolve what he called an "illegal administration" of Wolkait, Tegede, Telemt and Raya, freed from TPLF military annexation and occupation Ethiopia’s 2020-2022 civil war.
There is no doubt this statement has the approval of powerful people in Abiy’s administration and most likely Abiy himself.
The bottom line is this. Ethiopia’s Defense Minister showed unabashed tribal affinity and declared that “illegally administered lands,” meaning the so-called “Western Tigray” will be restored to the TPLF through a referendum.
This leads me to the TPLF’s plan and possible deal with Abiy Ahmed. The intent of TPLF readiness to attack is simple. It is to take back Wolkait, Tegede, Telemt and Raya and incorporate these Amhara lands into Greater Tigray.
https://zehabesha.com/open-wars-against-amhara-tantamount-to-war-crime-the-us-eu-must-rebuke-abiy-ahmeds-tyranny/
ዛሬ አንድ የፌስ ቡክ ጓደኛየ የአቶ በቀለ ገርባን ሽሽት ከተመለከተ በኋላ የሚከተለውን መልእክት ጻፈ። " አገሩን አርማጌድዮን አደገህ ብልሆች ወደ ሰሩት አገር በነጻነት ለመኖር ሄድክ? "
አባባሉ እኔንም ወደ ዛሬ ስድስት አመት ትዝታየ ወሰደኝ።
በወቅቱ በቀለ ገርባ፣ እስክንድር ነጋ፣ አንዷለም አራጌ ወዘተ በወያኔ አፋኝ መንግስት ታስረው ፎቶአቸው እየተያዘ Free Bekele Gerba, Free Eskindir Nega.. የሚባልበት ወቅት ነበር። አስደናቂው በጎንደር ህዝቡ የበቀለን ፎቶ ይዞ ሰልፍ ይወጣ ነበር።
መፈታት አይቀርምና ሁሉም ተፈቱ። በዲያስፖራው ትልቅ ደስታ ሆነ። እኛም በጀርመን የምንገኝ የተወሰን ሰዎች አዳራሽ ውስጥ ሁነን በጋራ ስልክ ተመስገን ደሳለኝ ቤት እንዳሉ ሁሉንም የቀድሞ የፖለቲካ እስረኞችን አነጋገርናቸው።
የግብዣ ወረቀት እንደምንልክላቸውና መጥተው የናፈቃቸውን ኢትዮጵያዊ እንዲያገኙት። ከበቀለ ውጭ ሁሉም እሽ አሉ። በቀለ ሰንካላ ምክንያት ሰጥቶ እንደማይችል ነገረን። በማግስቱ ወያኔ ያልተፈቀደ ባንድራ ሰቅለዋል ብሎ ከበቀለ ውጭ ሁሉንም እንደገና አሰራቸው። በጥቂት ቀናትም መልሶ ለቀቃቸው።
ለውጥ መጣ ህዝብ በደስታ ሰከረ። ኦሮማራ ጥምረት ተብሎ ህዝብ ከዳር እስከ ዳር በፍቅር አበደ።
እስረኞች ሁሉ ተፈቱ። በዚህ ወቅት ህዝብ በደስታ ጡዘት ባለበት በቀለ ገርባ ፍጹም ሙልጭ ባለ አረመኔነትና ክህደት በተሞላበት አምስት የኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችን ሰብስቦ ራሱ በሚያነበው መግለጫ ሰጠ። አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሞ ናት፣ መኖር የፈለገ መኖር ይችላል። ያልፈለገ ግን ለቆ መሄድ ይችላል የሚል።
እነሆ ታላቁ ጦርነት ተጀመረ!
ሁሉ ነገር ትርምስምሱ ወጣ። በየ አቅጣጫው የቃላት ውርወራው ተጀመረ። ሟቹ የአማራ ክልል ፕሬዝደንት ዶ/ር አምባቸው ፍርጥም ያለ መልስ ስለ ጉዳዩ ሰጡ። እነ በቀለ የዲቃላ ፖለቲካን ጀመሩ። ኦሮምኛ ላላወራችሁ እቃ አትሽጡ አለ በኢፋ ወጥቶ። በሰበብ ባስባቡ ረብሻ በማስነሳት የሰው ደም እንደ ጎርፍ ፈሰሰ። መቀሌ ሂዶ ከቀድሞ አሳሪዎቹ ጋር በይፋ ተጨባበጠ። ከሰማኒያ አመት በፊት በጀርመን የነበሩ ናዚዎች የተጠቀሙበትን ቃላት ሁሉ በይፋ በየሚድያው ሰበኩ።
የቀድሞው የእስር ቤት ጓደኛው፣ ከተፈቱም በኋላ አብረው በአንድ ቤት ውስጥ በስልክ ያወራናቸው ጓደኛው ጋዜጠኛ እስክንድር ነጋና ጓደኞቹ በአዲስ አበባ ካሳንችስ ባልደራስ በተባለ ቦታ ያን በንዴት የጦፈን የአዲስ አበባ ወጣት ስብሰባ ጠርተው መጀመሪያ እንደ ሲቪክ ማህበር በኋላ የፖለቲካ ድርጅት የሆነን ፖርቲ አቋቋሙ። የለውጡ ሞተር ነን የሚሉት መንገዳቸው ቁልቁለቱ የዚያን ግዜ ጀመረ።
በቀለና ጓደኞቹም በየቦታው እየዞሩ የዘረኝነቱን ስብከት ቀጠሉበት። እነሱንም ተከትሎ በዘረኝነት የሰከሩ ወጣቶች ጅምላ ግድያውን ገፉበት። ምድሪቱ ሲኦል ሆነች። በመጨረሻ በቀለም እስክንድርም እንደገና እስር ቤት ገቡ። እስክንድር ለምን እንደገባ እስከ አሁን ለኔ ምንም ግልጽ ምክንያት አላገኘሁም።
ዛሬ ያ በየስርቻው ለአምስት አመት ደሙ የፈሰሰው ሚስክን የአማራ ገበሬ በደሉ ተሰምቶ ሁሉን አቀፍ የነፍጥ ውጊያ በመላው አማራ ክልል ተከፈተ። በሌሎች ቦታዎችም ህዝቡ የራሱን ጥያቄ ይዞ ተቃውሞ እየወጣ ነው። ነገሮች በፍጥነት እየተቀያየሩ ነው። በዚህ ወቅት በቀለ ገርባ እሱ ችቦውን የለኮሰው የጥፋት እልቂት ባመጣው ጣጣ ህዝብ እምቢ ብሎ ሲነሳ እሱ ብልሆች በጥንቃቄ በህግና በስርአት ወደሰሯት ታላቋ አሜሪካ ገብቶ ጥገኝነት ጠየቀ። ከአማራ ጋር አትጋቡ፣ ንግድ አትነግዱ ወዘተ እያለ በአንድ ሀገር ውስጥ መኖር ያልቻለ ሰው በሰው ሀገር ከነጭ ጋር አብሮ ሊኖር ተሰደደ።
እውነተኛው ፍርድ በመጣ ግዜ የትስ ቢገባ ማምለጥ ይቻላል። የእነዛ አገር ደህና ብለው በየጎጆአቸው ተቀምጠው የነበሩ ሴቶችና ህጻናት፣ አዛውንቶች አማሮች በከንቱ የፈሰሰ ደም በምድርስ በሰማይስ ያስቀምጣል ወይ?
ማጠቃለያ፣
ባንድ ወቅት የነገረኝን ሰው ብረሳውም። የበቀለ የቅርብ ዘመድ ህዝቡ የእሱን ፎቶ ይዞ በየሰልፉ ሲወጣ አይቶ። " አየ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በቀለን ቢያውቀው ምንኛ ያዝን" አለ የተባለውን ሳስታውስ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እጅጉን አንጀቴን ይበላኛል። ላለፉት አርባ አመት በላይ የሚፈልገውና እየሆነበት ያለው ነገር ከሰማይና ከምድር የተራራቀ በመሆኑ ወደፊት እጅግ ጥንቃቄ የተሞላበት ጉዞ ማድረግ እንዳለበት እመክራለሁ።
በቄ ሆይ የለኮስከው ጦርነት የድሀውን ልጅ ብቻ በልቶ አይቀርም። አንተንም ለፍርድ አደባብይ ያቀርብሀል።
ይዘገያል እንጅ ወንጀለኛ ለፍርድ ይቀርባል!!!
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185538
ዓለም አቀፍ የመገናኛ ብዙኃን መግለጫ
ለኢትዮጵያ ሰላም፤ ዲሞክራሲ፤ አንድነትና ልማት ስለሚያስፈልጉ መሠረታዊ መፍትሔዎች
በሚመለከታቸው ድርጅቶች የቀረበ መግለጫ
መግቢያ፤ በኢትዮጵያ ተከስተው የሚገኙ እጅግ ከባድ ችግሮች፤
እንደሚታወቀው፤ በአሁኑ ጊዜ፤ በኢትዮጵያ እጅግ ብዙ የማሕበራዊ፣ የኢኮኖሚና የፓለቲካ ችግሮች የተከሰቱ ቢሆኑም፤ ዋነኞቹ በዘረኛነት የመከፋፈል ሥርዓቱ ያስከተለው መናቆር፤ ከባድ ግጭት፤ እልቂት፤ መፈናቀል፤ መሰደድ፤ የንብረት ውድመት፤ የሕግ የበላይነት አለመኖር፤ እጅግ ከባድ ሙስና፤ የሴቶች መደፈር፤ የሰብዓዊ መብት አለመከበር፤ የመገንጠል ጠንቅ፤ ወዘተ፤ እንዲሁም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ በአሰቃቂ ደረጃ በድህነት ጠንቅ ፍዳውን እያየ መሆኑ ነው፡፡
ከተጠቀሱት ችግሮች ለመገላገል በየጊዜው ከውስጥም፤ ከውጪም የሚያጋጥሙትን ጥቃቶችና ወንጀሎች ከመቋቋም (ከመተጋገል) በተጨማሪ፤ ከዚህ በታች የተዘረዘሩት ራዕይ፤ እቅድና ዓላማዎች ያስፈልጋሉ፤
(ሀ) ለኢትዮጵያ ተገቢ የሆነ ሕገ መንግሥት በማዘጋጀትና ተግባራዊ በማድረግ፤ ውድ ሐገራችን ከጽንፈኛነት፤ ከዘረኛነትና ከጭቆና የተላቀቀ ኢትዮጵያዊነት፤ ሰላም፤ ጸጥታ፤ አንድነት፤ እውነተኛ ዲሞክራሲ፤ ሕብረት፤ መከባበር፤ የሕግ የበላይነት፤ ወዘተ. የሰፈነባት ሐገር እንድትሆን ማረጋገጥ፤
(ለ) የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ከአሰቃቂ የድህነት አረንቋ ለማዳን፤ የተሟላና ሥልታዊ የሆነ የልማት እቅድ (የአጭር፤ የመካከለኛና የረጅም ዘመን) ማዘጋጀትና መተግበር፡፡
1ኛ/ አዲስ ሕገ መንግሥት ለኢትዮጵያ የሚያስፈልግ መሠረታዊ ጉዳይ ስለ መሆኑ፤ 1/1 የአሁኑ ሕገ መንግሥት ሰቆቃዎች፤
(ሀ) እንደሚታወቀው፤ በአሁኑ ጊዜ ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ሰፍኖ የሚገኘው ሕገ መንግሥት ሕዝቡን በቋንቋና በጠባብ ዘረኛነት በተመሠረተ የክልል ሥርዓት ከፋፍሎ ባስከተለው የእርስ በርስ መናቆር፤ አለመተማመን፤ መከፋፈል፤ አለመተባበር እጅግ አሰቃቂ መጠነ ሰፊ ስቃይና እልቂት እያስከተለ ነው። በዘረኛነት በተከሰቱ ግጭቶች ምክንያት በብዙ መቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ተገድለዋል። በሚሊዮን የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ተፈናቅለዋል። እጅግ ብዙ ሰዎች በተለይ ሴቶችና ሕጻናት እየተሰቃዩ ነው። በሚሊዮን የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከሐገር ለመሰደድና በታሪክ ያስተናግዷቸው በነበሩ በዓረብ ሐገሮች ጭምር በዝቅተኛ ደረጃ ለመኖርና ለመደፈር ተገድደዋል። በጠባብ ጎሰኛነት መለያየት ምክንያት እጅግ ብዙ ንብረት ወድሟል። የዘረኛነቱ ጠንቅ፤ ፋሺሽት ኢጣልያ ኢትዮጵያን በወረረችበት ዘመን ከፈጸመችው አሰቃቂ የጦር ወንጀል ብሷል።
(ለ) ኤርትራ ከእናት ሐገሯ ከኢትዮጵያ ተገንጥላለች። በአሁኑ እኩይ የሕገ መንግሥት አወቃቀርና ሥርዓት፤ “ክልል” የተሰኙ አንዳንድ አካባቢዎችም ለመገንጠል እያኮበኮቡ ነው። ደቡብ ክልል ውስጥ ከሚገኙ አካባቢዎች ውስጥም ወደ ክልልነትና የመገንጠል አባዜ ለመዝቀጥ አቅጣጫ እያንጸባረቁ ነው።
(ሐ) ያሁኑን ሕገ መንግሥት ኢትዮጵያ ላይ የጫኑት ተጠያቂዎች አንደኛው ዓላማቸው፤ ሕዝቡ በዘረኛነት እርስ በርስ እንዲናቆርና እንዲጨፋጨፍ ስለ ነበር ያለሙት ሁሉ እየተሳካላቸው ነው።
(መ) ኢትዮጵያን በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ልዩ የሚያደርጋት፤ ሕዝቧ በኢትዮጵያዊነት አንድነት የሚተባበርና የማይደፈር መሆኑን በነአፄ ካሌብ ዘመነ መንግሥት ከዚያም በአድዋ የጦርነት ድል ያስመሰከረች መሆኗ ነው። ያሁኑ ሕገ መንግሥት ግን ኢትዮጵያን በአሳፋሪና በውዳቂ ዘረኛነት ከፋፍሎ እያስደፈረን ነው። የባሰ ሊያጫርሰን ነው።
(ረ) በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ተከስቶ የሚገኘው ሕገ መንግሥት በተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት እውቅና ያላገኘ ነው።
1/2 ለኢትዮጵይ የሚመጥንና የሚጠቅም ሕገ መንግሥት ስለማስፈለጉ፤
ኢትዮጵያንና የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ከተከሰተው አስከፊ ችግር ለማላቀቅ ከዚህ በታች በተዘረዘረው ሥልት አዲስ ሕገ መንግሥት መንደፍና መተግበር መሠረታዊ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡
1/3 አዲስ ሕገ መንግሥት ስለ ማርቀቅና ስለ ማጥናት፤
ብቁ በሆኑ ባለሞያዎች የተሟላ ረቂቅ ሕገ መንግሥት እንዲዘጋጅና በመጀመሪያ ደረጃ አንድ ዓለም አቀፍ ጉባኤ በጥልቀት እንዲመለከተው ማድረግ፤ ከዚያም፤ አስፈላጊው ማሻሻል ተከናውኖ፤ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ለመላው ሕዝብና ለሚመለከታቸው ድርጅቶች ቀርቦ እንዲመረመር በመጨረሻም ተቀባይነት በሚኖረው ብሔራዊ ጉባኤ ሕገ መንግሥቱ እንዲጸድቅ ሆኖ በሚቀጥሉት ዓመታትም በሕገ መንግሥቱ መሠረት በሚመረጥ ምክር ቤት እንደ አስፈላጊነቱ ማሻሻል ማስቻል፤
2ኛ/ ለኢትዮጵያ ስለሚያስፈልጋት የተሟላ የልማት እቅድና ትግበራ፤
2/1 በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ተከስቶ ስለሚገኘው የድህነት ችግር፤
በዘረኛነት ሥርዓቱና የአመራር ከፍተኛ ድክመት ምክንያት ኢትዮጵያ በድህነትና በሙስና ታዋቂ ሆናለች። በተጨማሪም፤ በብዙ ዓለም-አቀፋዊ መስፈርቶች ኢትዮጵያ የዓለም ጭራ ሆናለች። ተመጽዋች ሆናለች።
ክነዚህ ውስጥ፤ በተባበሩት መንግሥታት የልማት ድርጅት (UNDP) ኢትዮጵያ ከ191 ሐገሮች 175ኛ ሆና በአሳፋሪ ደረጃ ትገኛለች፡፡ ለዝርዝሩ ከዚህ በታች ባሉት መጠቆሚያዎች መመልከት ይቻላል፤
http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/ETH.pdf
https://ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/19630/
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/03/opinion/ethiopia-abiy-ahmed-reforms-ethnic-conflict-ethnic-federalism.html
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185507
2/2 የተሟላ የልማት እቅድ ስለ ማርቀቅና ማጥናት የሚያስፈልግ ሥልት፤
(ሀ) ለኢትዮጵያ ተገቢ የሆነ የልማት እቅድ ለማርቀቅ የመጀመሪያ እርምጃ መሆን የሚገባው፤ ለተግባሩ ብቁ የሆኑ የሕግ፤ የኢኮኖሚ፤ የማሕበራዊ፤ የቴክኖሎጂ፤ ወዘተ. ባለሞያዎች በመምረጥ አንድ ግብረ ኃይል ማቋቋም ነው። ግብረ ኃይሉም በተቻለ ፍጥነት፤ ከተቻለ በ6 ወሮች ውስጥ፤ የአጭር ጊዜ (የ5 ዓመት)፤ የመካከለኛ ጊዜ (የ15 ዓመት) እና የሩቅ ዘመን (የ30 ዓመት) እቅድ የማርቀቅ ተግባሩን አከናውኖ በሚቀጥሉት 6 ወሮች ውስጥ በሚከናወን አንድ ዓለም አቀፍ ጉባኤ በጥልቀት እንዲመረመር ማድረግ ነው።
(ለ) የልማት እቅዱ የተሟላ እንዲሆን፤ ከዚህ በታች የሚገኙትንና ሌሎችም አስፈላጊ የሆኑ አርእስቶችን ሊያካትት ይገባል፤
- አጠቃላይ (macro) እና ዝርዝር (micro) የልማት ዘርፎችን፤
- አስፈላጊ የሆኑ የልማት ተግባሮችን (የእርሻ፤ የውሀ አጠቃቀም፤ የኢንዱስትሪ፤ የቴክኖሎጂ፤ የኃይል፤ የአየር ንብረት፤ የመገናኛ፤ የአገልግሎት (የትምሕርት፤ የጤና፤ የአስተዳደር፤ የቱሪዝም፤ የንግድ፤ ወዘተ፤)፤
- ሊሶቶ (Lesotho) ለደቡብ አፍሪካ ለምታጋራው ውሀዋ፤ በየዓመቱ ከ$40 ሚሊዮን በላይ እንደሚከፈላት፤ ኢትዮጵያም ከሱዳንና ከግብጽ ተመሳሳይ ክፍያ እንድታገኝ ማድረግ፤
ለበለጠ ዝርዝር፤ (https://zehabesha.com/prospects-of-collaboration-in-the-horn-of-africa-and-the-red-sea-region/) ወይም (www.semennaworq.org) የበለጠ ዝርዝር ማስረጃ ማግኘት ይቻላል፡፡
- እንደ ሌሎች የለሙ ሐገሮች የኢትዮጵያም የሕዝብ ሰፈራ 80% ከተሜ እንዲሆንና ገጠሬው ከ20% እንዳያልፍ በማድረግ የሚያስፈልገው መሠረታዊ የውሀ፤ የትምህርት፤ የጤና፤ የመገናኛ፤ የኃይል፤ ወዘተ አገልግሎት እንዲመቻችለት ማድረግ፡፡ በአሁኑ ጊዜ፤ 80% የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ገጠሬ በመሆኑ በድህነት አረንቋ እየተሰቃየ ነው፡፡
- በቀይ ባሕር አካባቢና በአፍሪካ ቀንድ የሚገኙት ሐገሮች ተባብረው እንዲጠቀሙ የሚያመቻች ሥልትና እቅድ ማዘጋጀት፤ (ለዝርዝር፡
PROSPECTS OF COLLABORATION IN THE HORN OF AFRICA AND THE RED SEA REGION መመልከት ይጠቅማል፡፡
3ኛ/ ስለ ረቂቆቹ አዲስ ሕገ መንግሥትና የልማት እቅድ ዝግጅት የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ስለ ማሳተፍ፤ 3/1 የምክክር ሥልት፤
በተጨማሪም፤ ሌላ ተገቢ የሆነ ግብረ ኃይል በማቋቋም፤ በሚለጥቀው አንድ ዓመት ውስጥ፤ በኢትዮጵያ እስከ ወረዳ ድረስ በሚከናወን ምክክር፤ የሚመለከታቸውን ድርጅቶች በሙሉ በማሳተፍ ስለ ረቂቁ ሕገ መንግሥትና የልማት እቅድ የሚገኘውን ሀሳብ ማከማቸትና በሐገር ለሚከናወነው 2ኛ ጉባኤ በማቅረብ ጥልቀት ያለው ውይይት እንዲከናወንበትና እንዲወሰንበት ማድረግ ነው።
3/2 የአዲሱ ሕገ መንግሥትና የልማት እቅዱ ባለቤት፤
በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ለራሱ የሚበጀውን ሕገ መንግሥትና የተሟላ የልማት እቅድ በጥልቀት መርምሮ የሚያጸድቀውና በሚያስፈልግበት ጊዜም እንደ አስፈላጊነቱ የሚሻሻልበትን ሥርዓት ይወስናል።
ቸሩ የኢትዮጵያ አምላክ፤ ውድ ሐገራችንን በተገቢ ሕገ መንግሥት፤ የልማት እቅድና አመራር ከተጋረጡባት ከባድ ችግሮች ያድንልን፡፡
“ኢትዮጵያ ታበጽሕ እደዊሀ ሀበ እግዚአብሔር፡፡” ዳዊት (ም/ 68፡3
____________________________________
የጽሑፉ አቅራቢዎች፤
1ኛ/ ኢትዮጵያዊነት (Ethiopawinnet);
2ኛ/ Ethiopian American Civic Council (EACC);
3ኛ/ The American-Ethiopian Public Affairs Council (AEPAC);
4ኛ/ Ethiopian Survival Salvation Association (ESSA);
5ኛ/ Unity for Ethiopia;
6ኛ/ Ethiopian Advocacy Network;
7ኛ/ Horn of Africa Peace and Development Center (HAPDC);
https://amharic-zehabesha.com/archives/185494
Sunday, August 27, 2023
Abiy’s brutal Military campaign in the Amhara region
By Julian McBride
Ethiopia is considered one of the birthplaces of human civilization, has a vibrant and prosperous history. After thousands of years under the rule of the Solomonic Dynasty, Ethiopians have endured various tumultuous and brutal regimes, with wars, widespread famine, and genocide taking place throughout the Eastern African nation.
The rise of Abiy Ahmed’s government was supposed to mark a path of reconciliation amongst warring Ethiopian factions, as decades of rule by the Derg and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front left the country in chaos. Instead, Ahmed’s heavily-dominated Oromo government has reignited ethnic tensions and conducted several scathing military campaigns — one in Tigray and one now in the Amhara region.
Reflecting heavy combat in the Tigray region, the Amhara region has come under heavy crackdowns by the federal government in Addis Ababa. Ongoing fighting has left scores dead, and fears of another civil war have gained international attention.
Cracking Down on Dissidents
Abiy Ahmed initially came to power as a potential ‘reformer’ who could unite various factions after decades of corruption and ethnic federalism under TPLF rule. Ahmed is a former decorated military officer who became a Nobel Peace Prize recipient for negotiating the new borders and territorial disputes with Eritrea.
After the militias of the Tigray region, the Tigray Defense Forces launched raids on Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), Ahmed would lead a military campaign to eradicate the militias. The Tigray War would ultimately become a humanitarian disaster as the ENDF, supported by the Eritrean army, put the region under siege.
The inhumane siege saw hundreds of thousands of malnourished Tigrayans and war crimes, such as airstrikes on civilian infrastructure and medical facilities. The Amhara region would suffer from retaliation by the TDF, who invaded their land after beating back the ENDF.
The Amhara would have their militia, the Amhara Special Forces, that fought against the TDF with little government assistance. Only when the TDF and their allies, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), started marching onto Addis Ababa did Abiy Ahmed act swiftly and turn the tide of the war, which solidified his rule.
Neglecting the Amhara and Tigray Region and Massacres
During the ENDF offensive, Amharas in the Oromia region would face gruesome massacres by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—an extremist organization with the goal of genocide to create a greater Oromo state within Ethiopia. Numerous calls for protests and condemnation came against Ahmed’s government, which is heavily composed of Oromos and Amharas. They saw a bias in the slow response to the massacres against them compared to the swift action the government took when the TDF marched toward the capital.
Addis Ababa would lead crackdowns against Amhara dissidents, arresting various influential figures within their community. Along with crackdowns, the Ethiopian government attempted to interfere in the Ethiopian Tewahedo Church by indirectly recognizing a breakaway synod, increasing ethnic tensions within the country.
The Ethiopian National Defense Forces turned the tide of the war, but most of Ethiopia was deeply scarred. The Tigray War was the deadliest war of this century so far, with the majority of those killed being Tigrayan and Amhara militiamen. Abiy had successfully consolidated power while his rivals became significantly weakened.
Rising Tensions
Tensions continued to rise when Ahmed attempted to disband the Fano and Amhara Special Forces militias forcibly. These militias were left out of the African Union-backed peace talks that ended the war, and their leaders have come under the increasing radar of Addis Ababa.
Amharas saw the attempted disarming as a slight, as they were forced to pick up weapons from the dead just to fight the TDF during their occupation in their region, and another attempt at reintegration would leave them vulnerable. In some parts of the Amhara region, the Fano created their administrative jurisdiction, which Ahmed’s government saw as threatening their rule.
Abiy’s Brutal Military Campaign
The ENDF has been deployed to the Amhara region, but the government has used infamous tactics seen in the Tigray region — air power. Using Turkey’s notorious Bayraktar TB2 drones, Abiy has unleashed brutal air power onto the Amhara region.
A recent strike at Finote Salem killed scores, with dozens more wounded. During the Tigray War, drone and aircraft use was frequent in the Amhara region due to the flatter terrain compared to the mountainous Tigray region.
https://zehabesha.com/abiys-brutal-military-campaign-in-the-amhara-region/
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